Japan | Project Gutenberg (2024)

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Japan | Project Gutenberg (1)

Japan | Project Gutenberg (2)

Japan | Project Gutenberg (3)

THE WORLD’S BEST HISTORIES

Japan | Project Gutenberg (4)

BY
WALTER DICKSON

WITH A SUPPLEMENTARY
CHAPTER OF RECENT EVENTS
BY GILSON WILLETS

WITH AN ACCURATELY DRAWN CHART GIVING A BIRD’S-EYE
VIEW OF THE SCENE OF THE WAR IN THE EAST

ILLUSTRATED

Japan | Project Gutenberg (5)

THE CO-OPERATIVE PUBLICATION SOCIETY
NEW YORK AND LONDON

HISTORY OF JAPAN

[3]

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
The Imperial Family and Court 9
CHAPTER II
The Eight Boards of Government 55
CHAPTER III
History of the Empire to the Death of Nobu nanga 78
CHAPTER IV
Government of Taikosama 124
CHAPTER V
Government of Iyeyas 160
CHAPTER VI
History to the Expulsion of Christianity 176
CHAPTER VII
The Laws of Iyeyas 192
CHAPTER VIII
The Position and Court of the Shiogoon 223
CHAPTER IX[4]
The Daimios 228
CHAPTER X
The Daimio Class 279
CHAPTER XI
The History of the Empire Continued 288
CHAPTER XII
Events Following the Abolition of the Shiogoonate 363
CHAPTER XIII
The Foreign Policy of New Japan and the War with China 374
CHAPTER XIV
Twentieth Century Japan and the War with Russia 385
CHAPTER XV
The War with Russia, and Japan a World Power 409

[5-6]

[7]

PREFACE

In the preparation of the following Work the Authorhas to acknowledge the assistance which he has receivedfrom a Japanese gentleman in Yokohama, whose name,for obvious reasons, it is prudent not to mention.

With his knowledge of the history and institutionsof his country, the Author was able to fill up theblanks in short notices of history contained in elementaryJapanese books. He was further enabled to goover the red-books of the empire, which enter into thedetails of the pedigrees of illustrious families, and intothe minutiæ of Government offices.

The supposed unalterable character of these institutionsinduces those who have any pretensions to learningin China and Japan to master and retain by memorythe names and duties of the different offices in thevarious departments of Government; and they are frequentlyfound to be good authorities upon questionsupon which there is no published information.

In the history of the intercourse of the Jesuits withJapan, the letters of the fathers have been almost the[8]only authorities relied upon; while in the more recentevents contemporary publications have been used.

In taking notes from the conversation of a Japanesewho could speak but little English, in too manycases they were written down in what is known inChina as “pigeon English”; and the Author has toacknowledge and regret that in many cases the crampednature of the notes has not been entirely removed, andfor such instances he craves the indulgence of thereader.

[9]

HISTORY OF JAPAN

CHAPTER I
THE IMPERIAL FAMILY AND COURT

Man, in the earlier periods of his existence, when he wasas yet putting forth his juvenile strength to subdue creation,was ever inclined to look upon the great forces of nature asdifficulties in his path and obstacles to his progress, which,in his more mature strength, he has come to regard as aidsto help him, and to cherish as the very means to the attainmentof his ends. Such an object of awe to the earliermariner was the great ocean, when he had no compass toguide him over its unknown and apparently boundless expanse,and with no knowledge of the winds and no experienceof the currents. When he had no means of keepingfood or fresh water for any great length of time, he was abold man who would venture far out of sight of land. Providedwith the faithful compass, men became bolder; theyenlarged their vessels, making longer voyages, until they ranover the length and breadth of the Eastern seas. Still theChina Sea, with its typhoons and its monsoons and currents,down to a comparatively recent period, was looked upon asan obstacle which was to be smoothed down and not to bewrestled with. To beat up the China Sea against the northeasternmonsoon was considered a rash struggle and a foolhardy waste of time, and in consequence the trade-voyagesto China were confined to vessels going up the sea in summer[10]with the southerly monsoon and returning in winterwith the northerly. Obstacles such as these made marinersunwilling to run the risk of pushing up the sea the lengthof Shanghai or Japan, when the time of their return wasa matter of so much doubt.

In the present age, when man is thinking himself of someimportance from the little odds and ends of knowledge hehas stored up, the ocean, instead of being a barrier of separationbetween islands and continents, has become what theMediterranean Sea was to the Old World—a link of connection,a highway of commerce, and steam has become a bridgeby which distant shores have been joined together. Theworld is now finding out that she is one—that the interests ofnations are one, and that no one part of the body can say tothe other, “I have no need of thee.” If Japan has hithertofelt herself in a position to use such an expression to herfellow-members of the body cosmopolitan, and the feelinghas been responded to by their acquiescence, the time andcircumstances seem to have arrived when this seclusion is tobe ended. The distance at which these islands seemed to liefrom the heart of the world’s circulation, Europe, has beenalmost annihilated, and European nations have through thesettlements in India and China crept up alongside of the islesof the East. The difficulties of access have been smoothedaway, her sumptuary laws have been abrogated, while theproduce of her rich soil is daily increasing to meet the demandswhich are made upon it, and which she is becomingwilling and ready to exchange for that of which she is morein need.

Steam has been the active agent in bringing about thesechanges, causing the pulses of trade to beat with greaterfrequency and with increased vigor. But to any one wholooks below the surface there may be seen other agents atwork, all concurring at this crisis in the world’s existence toproduce changes of portentous magnitude. The discoveriesof chemistry, whether by the aggressive forces obtained inthe manufacture of munitions of war, or by the more widely[11]extended but silent beneficial operations of such an agent asquinine, steam with all its ramifications of wealth, the telegraphwith its tenfold power of convertibility, the discoveryof gold at the most remote parts of the world, have combinedto produce, by the sudden influx of real wealth, by the interminglingof ranks of men, and by the rapid throwing intomen’s minds of a quantity of information or of knowledge,a condition of things in the mass which makes that masskneadable by those who can knead it, and fitted for thereception of any leaven, for good or for evil, which may bemixed with it. The mingling of ranks in the social system,the disturbance of creeds in the religious, the confoundingof parties in the political, are preparing the way for someworld-wide change, by which old systems are to be doneaway and new established. It is not working in one nationalone, but in all: it is not confined to Christendom, showingthat the time to come is not to be like times past; but thatthe time is coming when it is possible for one person to aimat one rule over the whole world. This change is comingup like the rising of water. It may overwhelm all existingthings like a wave. Some call it Progress, others Democracy,but, whatever it be, it is evident that every existinginstitution is to get such a shaking that only the things thatcannot be shaken will stand.

All national institutions having, or pretending to have,order, will probably have to undergo this trial; and when itcomes the whole remains of the feudal system will be tested:monarchies, the peerage, tenures of land, orders in theChurch, and, above all, the question of primogeniture, cannotfail to be put on trial. The different sections in thereligious and political world seem gradually separating themselvesinto two large parties, the one standing for the voxDei, the other holding the vox populi to be the vox Dei—theone believing that power comes from above, the otherthat power comes from below.

The leaven is working in the minds of men, whetherthey will it or not; and no nation will feel the effects of this[12]fermentation more than Japan. Above all nations, she tothis hour retains her feudal system intact. She must learn,as others have in past times and may have to learn again,at the expense of revolution and blood. The people arealready being stirred, and dare to question. The noblesare beginning to quake, they know not why, in the faceof changes which are being forced upon them. The verythrone of the emperor is being searched and shaken.

In order to understand where the weakness of a buildinglies, or how it is likely to fall down, it is first necessary toknow how it is constructed; and in order to comprehend thechanges which events may bring about in Japan, some ideamust be formed of the government of the country. Withoutsome knowledge of the framework of the constitution, it isdifficult to understand the relative position of men, or toappreciate the operation of external agents upon the systemof the empire, whether that operation work by a slow processof leavening from within, or by a violent concussion fromwithout.

The aim of the author in the following pages has been togive some idea of the framework of the constitution of Japan.Having resided for some little time in the country, he wasenabled to get what seemed to him a clearer glimpse of theworking of the different parts of the machinery of State thanwas to be gained from any of the able works published onthe subject. The time at his command was too short, andhis knowledge of the language too limited, to enable him todo more than prepare a sketch which may serve a temporarypurpose, before works of greater research and fuller informationare produced.

The position of the Emperor (Spiritual Emperor, as he issometimes erroneously called), as the first in the empire,must be recognized; the office held by the Temporal Emperor,the Shiogoon (or Tycoon, as he has been named), mustbe correctly and distinctly understood before the nature ofthe rule in the empire can be comprehended. It is furtheressential that the student should be acquainted with the rank[13]and position of the nobility or nobilities of the empire (for ofthese there are two classes)—that of Miako at the court ofthe Emperor, the Koongays; and that of Yedo at the courtof the Shiogoon, the Daimio, and beneath them the Hattamoto.Without some knowledge of these the reader is lostin a maze of unmeaning names and titles; but with a slightacquaintance with the rank, offices, and names of thesenobles, he is able not only to follow the thread of history,but to understand the intricacies of current events.

A description of a picture by a native artist, seen by theauthor of this volume, may give some idea of the relation inwhich these dignitaries stand the one to the other. Theupper half of the picture represents the Shiogoon or Tycoonat the palace in the capital, Miako, making his obeisance andperforming homage before his liege lord the Emperor, seatedin the great hall, Shi shin den, of the palace. The upperpart of the Emperor’s person is concealed behind a screen ofthin slips of bamboo hanging from the roof. The throne isthree mats, or thin mattresses, placed one above the otherupon the floor. There is no chair or support to the back.On each side of the Emperor sit on their knees on the floorthe high officers of his court. Before him is seen the lateShiogoon, kneeling and prostrating himself, with his headto the floor. Behind the Shiogoon are his high officers Stotsbashiand the great Daimio Owarri, both in a similar positionof prostration; while beneath, in the open court, are militaryofficials of the Imperial Court standing or kneeling. Thispicture represents accurately a fact, and what appears to bea correct illustration of the ideas of the people of Japan withregard to the relative status of the Emperor and the Shiogoon.

It may almost be a matter of wonder that so little wasknown of Japan until the advent of the Portuguese. Menwere in old times adventurous travelers, and yet, except whatis contained in the pages of Marco Polo, written in the thirteenthcentury, nothing more was known of the existence ofthe country. The Buddhism of India had permeated China,Corea, and Japan, but it brought nothing back. Mohammedanism,[14]at an early stage, reached China, and gainedmany converts, and the Arabs carried on an extensive tradewith China and the Eastern Isles; but neither by their writingsnor by the early native accounts do they seem to havereached the shores of Japan, or, at least, ever to have returnedfrom them. This may perhaps be attributed to thewars of the Crusades, which appear to have lighted up sucha fierce feeling between the Christian and the Moslem as tohave proved a barrier to the inquisitiveness of the formerin his investigations regarding the East. When the Portuguese,in the beginning of the sixteenth century, had pushedtheir discoveries and trade as far as Malacca, and thence toChina, it was to be expected that such adventurous seamenas they then were would, before long, solve the question ofa people living under the rising sun. It is fortunate that,among the lawless buccaneers and pirates, as they evidentlywere, on those seas during this time, one man, Mendez Pinto,should have been found with the zeal to write some accountof the doings on the Sea of China, and to lift the veil which,until he wrote, hung over the events which he records. Thatthe latter part of his narrative, relating principally to China,should have been called mendacious, is not to be wonderedat. But all that he relates with reference to Japan is notonly corroborated by a closer acquaintance with the countryand people, but also by the native historians in their accountsof the arrival of foreigners in the country, as well asby the letters of the Jesuits who visited Japan very shortlyafter it was first discovered by the Portuguese traders.

Subsequently to the period at which Mendez Pinto wrote,the history of foreign relations with the country is kept upby the letters of priests and Jesuits who occupied Japan asa field for the spread of Christianity. In the “Histoire del’Église du Japon” there is an excellent summary of occurrencesconnected with the Church, its missions, its successes,its difficulties, its martyrs, and its enemies, together with aglance at events in Japan during the most eventful crisis inthe history of the country. After the expulsion of the Jesuits[15]and Roman Catholic doctrines from the empire, there areaccounts from time to time published by the officers connectedwith the establishment kept up by Holland at Nagasaki.Caron, Fischer, Meylan—but, above all, Kæmpferand Thunberg, and Titsingh and Klaproth—and, in ourown times, Siebold—have done much to elucidate the mannersand customs and natural history of Japan.

Kæmpfer has given a most interesting and instructiveaccount of what he saw in the country during a long residence,and upon more than one progress to the courts atMiako and Yedo. His delineation of the manners and customsof the people of Japan will remain as a memorial of astate of things seen under circumstances not likely to occuragain. But the work was published by another after thedeath of the author, and, in consequence of this, many ofthe names of men, places and things are nearly unintelligible.Kæmpfer’s work is well known to the Japanese, havingbeen translated or repeatedly copied in manuscript, andis known as “Su koku rong.” It is an interdicted book, andonly recently a man was punished upon being detected inthe act of copying the translation. The translation by Klaprothof the “Annales des Empereurs de Japon” is a mostvaluable work, and contains a wonderful amount of information,being, as it were, the complement of Kæmpfer’swork, drawn entirely from books and not from personalobservation.

The natives of Japan appear to have an intense love andreverence for their own country, and every individual in theempire seems to have a deep and thorough appreciation ofthe natural beauties and delights of the country. To thisthe genial climate, the rich soil, and the variety of the surfacecontribute. The islands lie at such a latitude as tomake the air in summer warm without being hot, and inwinter cold without being raw. The soil, as in all recentlava soils, is of a rich black mould, raising the finest cropsof millet, wheat and sugar-cane, and when supplied in unstintedprofusion rearing splendid timber, or capable, when[16]nearly entirely withdrawn, of keeping life and vigor andseeding power in a pine tree of two inches in height. Thetrees have a tendency to break out into excrescences fromplethora. The variety of surface arises from the greatheight to which the mountains rise in an island which atno part presents so great a breadth as England, and yetslopes gradually from the mountain tops to the sea. Someof these ridges appear to rise to the height of Mont Blanc,one of them, Fusiyama, being upward of thirteen thousandfeet in height, and it would appear that other ranges arehigher. The great beauty of Fusi (pah rh, not two) consistsin its rising singly out of a low country with a beautifullycurved sweep to a conical apex; and the atmospheric effectschanging from hour to hour, as it is seen from thirteenprovinces, give such a variety to this single object that itis rightly called by a name to express the feeling that thereare not two such in the world. The variations of atmosphericdensity make it look at one time much higher than atanother. It may be seen with its head clear in the blue skyrising out of a thick base of clouds—or the clouds rise androll in masses about the middle, leaving the gentle curve tobe filled up by the mind’s eye from the base to the apex.Again, the whole contour, in a sort of proud, queenly sweep,stands out against a cloudless ether, or with a little vapordrifting to leeward of the summit giving the appearanceof a crater—or, after a cool night in September, the eye isarrested by the appearance of the bursting downward of aflattened shell, the pure white snow filling the valleys fromthe top, the haze of the morning half concealing the hill beneath.Every hour brings a change upon a landscape whichconsists of a single object which the lover of nature cannever weary of admiring, in a climate where seventy miles ofatmosphere does not obscure the larger features on the faceof the mountain even to the naked eye. How often wouldsuch an object be visible in the climate of England?

The first settlement of inhabitants upon an island is alwaysa subject of interesting speculation and inquiry. The insular[17]position gives an idea of a definite time or period at whichthe peopling of a large island must have taken place. Thefreedom of possession of boundless wealth presents every inducementto the immigrant to remain, while distance anddifficulties repel the idea of return. In Japan this immigrationmay in all probability have commenced by a gradualspreading from the north of inhabitants of Manchuriathrough the islands of Saghalien and Jezo to those of theJapanese group.

During the earlier periods of a nation’s existence, the artof writing has been generally kept in the hands of men whohave devoted themselves to a life of retirement and seclusionfrom the strife and temptations of the outer world.These have been found among the priesthood, and it hasbeen their business or their amusement to gather up andcommit to writing what had been up to the time current asoral tradition in regard to prehistoric occurrences. Men areforced by reasoning to refer the appearance of their first ancestorsto a creation by, or procession from, a Divine Being.At the same time, those who have wielded the power ofwriting, and thereby reached and influenced a larger circleof their fellowmen, have generally endeavored to clothe thedeities from whom they profess to have sprung with virtueswhich were to be emulated by their descendants, or to inculcatethrough them, by precept, a purity of moral conduct tobe practiced by their followers.

The group of islands generally included under the onename Japan was known in remote times by a variety ofnames—“Akitsu sima, Toyo aki, Toyo ashiwarra no nakatsakooni.” “Wo kwo,” the country of peace, is used by theChinese for Japan. “Ho,” pronounced “Yamato,” andused for one province, is frequently applied in Japan tothe whole country.

The name Nippon—Nits pon—“Yutpone” in Cantonese,“Jih pun” in the Mandarin dialect, by which the whole empireis now known—is of Chinese origin, and has probablybeen conveyed to the country by the first Chinese settlers.[18]Denoting, as the name implies, that it is the country wherethe sun rises, the idea must have originated with the peopleto the west. “Hon cho,” another name by which it isknown, conveys the same idea, “The beginning or root ofthe morning.” The name “Yamato,” peaceful, harmonious,was more likely to have originated with the natives.“Akitsu sima” implies that the island resembles a dragonflyin shape, and was at first applied to Kiusiu alone. “Shinkoku,” a name by which the Japanese speak of their ownempire, means the land of spirits; and a similar idea is conveyedby the name “Kami no kooni.” “Awadsi sima” refersto the supposed origin of the islands from mud or froth,and is still applied to the large island lying between Nipponand Sikok.

Some of these names probably retain the old words usedby the original inhabitants of the country translated intoChinese by the new immigrants. To these newcomers itwas no doubt a work of pleasure to gather up what stores oftradition were floating among the inhabitants of the country,and, adding thereto much from their own imagination, tocompose a mythology suited to the genius of the people.This mythology, which we may suppose to have been composedby some of the Chinese literati about the court, hadfor its object the elevation of the reigning family, and theassertion for that family of a divine origin and divine ancestry.It is worthy of note that these divine ancestors wereknown at a very early period by Chinese names, that of themother and founder of the imperial family being “Ten shodai jin”—the “great spirit of the celestial splendor of thesun,” four distinct Chinese words.

According to this mythology, the heavens and the earthhaving formed themselves out of nothing, gave forth a spirit—a“kami”—who was the father of a line of seven generationsof spiritual beings who ruled the universe as it thenwas, during a period extending over millions of years, endingin a male and a female, respectively named Issanaghiand Issanami. These seem equivalents to or representatives[19]of the male and the female principles which, according tothe Chinese, pervade all animate creation. They are allegoricallyrepresented as producing the islands of Japan, themountains, seas and other natural objects therein. Subsequentlya daughter was brought forth, “Ten sho dai jin,”who is the spirit of the sun; and another, “Tsuki no kami,”the spirit of the moon. These divinities are of no furtherimportance in history than as serving to make a line of ancestryfor the reigning family. At the time when, accordingto tradition, the genealogy merged in mortal men, the countrywas found to be peopled, and there is no attempt toshow whence these people came, though described as hairy,uncivilized, and living in the open air. These myths aregenerally of a Buddhistic origin, and were probably broughtover or invented by some missionary of that religion at anearly time, when the influence of India operated strongly inthe spread of its doctrines. This influence is shown to thisday in the repetition of prayers in an unknown language,and the retention of an Indian alphabet and writing—theSanskrit or Devanagari—in all the religious works of Japan.

Some of these divinities are so frequently heard of, andrepresentations of them, in pictures and carvings, are socommon, that even a slight acquaintance with their namesand attributes is useful. The different Buddhas are worshiped;Compera; the five hundred “Rakhan” or “Lohon”;the “Kwanon,” or goddess of mercy; and the “Stchi fukujing,” or seven gods of riches. These last are generallydrawn or carved on a boat, with emblems around them oflong life, etc.—the stork, tortoise, a deer, a bag of money,a fir-tree, a bamboo, a crystal ball, a fish. Their names are—HotayDaikoku, Yaybissu, Benten, Gayho, Bistamong,Fukowo kojiu. But the religion is more or less pantheistic,and there are many other gods and divinities, even down toshapeless stones.

To “Ten sho dai jin” is attributed the origin of the imperialhouse, as is shown by the words of the Emperor, in aletter recently written on the political position of affairs, “I[20]am grieved, standing as I do between ‘Ten sho dai jin’ andmy people.”

In the fifth generation after “Ten sho dai jin,” was born“Zinmu” or “Jin mu” (Chin: Shinwu—i.e., spirit of war).He was the first of the earthly or human rulers. He is saidto have been born in Fiuga, a mountainous province on theeast side of Kiu siu, on the west coast of the Boo ngo Channel.This part of the islands is well suited for trading purposes,and it is also well adapted for the landing of aninvading force, and it is not unlikely that Zinmu eitheroriginally came from China, or was the son of some Chinesewho had settled there, and who started thence on adesign of conquest. At the time when he set out upon hiscareer, the people of the country are said to have been hairyand uncivilized, but under the rule of a headman in eachvillage. The Japanese have to this day a great contemptfor the people of Yezo, who may be thus described, and theyallege that similar tribes occupied the whole of the islands,and that they were gradually driven back before the armiesof Zinmu. It is more likely that they were conquered, andgradually amalgamated with their conquerors by the intermarriageof these with native females, and that in this way,and by the effects of the warm climate of the south, theylost that hirsute appearance which is so characteristic of thepeople of Yezo.—Aino, the name given to the hairy inhabitantsof Yezo by the Japanese, means “between,” and hasreference to a contemptuous idea of the origin of these peoplefrom a dog.—There are two strongly-marked varieties offeature in Japan, which are always strikingly portrayed intheir own pictures. There is the broad flat face of the lowerclasses, and the high nose and oval face of the higher. Thedifference is so marked as to be some argument in favor ofa previous mixing of two different races; the one of whichhad extended southward from the Kurile Islands and Siberia,hairy and broad-featured; while the other had originatedfrom the south, with Indian features and smooth skins.

The Japanese themselves do not pretend that there is any[21]native documentary evidence in support of their history atthe date of Zinmu, and the best writers allow that no writingsprior to the seventh century are authentic. The introductionof Chinese letters into Japan is generally attributedto Onin, a learned man who came from Corea about theyear 285 A.D. But prior to the date of Onin, many of thenames of offices and officers were Chinese. It is hardlycredible that, with the communication which is known tohave existed at different times between Japan and China,and also with Corea, there should have continued for solong a time such complete ignorance. More than one embassyhad resided at the court of China for months. TheChinese annals speak of an embassy during the reign ofthe Han dynasty, A.D. 238, when China was divided into“three kingdoms.” The ruler of Woo, one of these three,proposed to invade Japan, but the expedition miscarried.Nearly two centuries before this, in A.D. 57, an embassywas sent from Japan to China by Sei nin, which arrived atthe court of Kwang ou, of the Eastern Han dynasty, in thelast year of his reign. It is unlikely that, residing as suchan embassy must have done for a considerable time at thecourt of China, they should not have brought away someknowledge of letters or some instructors in reading andwriting. This Corean, Onin, may have been brought overto replace or to reteach what had been lost: for in morerecent times it is known that, after the long civil wars ofthe fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, so little attention hadbeen given to the instruction of youth that only two menwere found in the empire competent to teach the writtenlanguage.

We may be permitted to believe that much of what becametradition had at one time been committed to writing,and that, corroborated as it is at some points by Chinese history,there is a foundation for much of that part of historysubsequent to the time of Zinmu, for the support of whichthere existed, when writing recommenced, no documentaryevidence.

[22]

THE EMPEROR OF JAPAN

The line of gods carried on through godlike mortal descendantswas prolonged in ordinary mortals, the first ofwhom was Zinmu. It is of little consequence by whom thispedigree was written or invented. It evidently was solelywritten for the then de facto rulers of the land. It does notpretend to deal with the people of Japan, or with the modein which the peopling of the empire took place, but simplyinvents and details a divine pedigree for one family. Atthe time when this family is first heard of, the islands ofJapan are acknowledged by Japanese historians to havebeen already peopled and divided into villages, each undersome municipal rule.

The reign of Zinmu is the era of Japan, and is placedat 667 years before Christ. Setting out from Miazaki inFiuga, on the east side of the island of Kiusiu, he withtroops under his command gradually overran that island,and the adjoining one of Sikok, together with the west halfof the island of Nippon, as far as the province of Mino to theeast of Miako. Coming from the most rugged and comparativelybarren province in the empire, he was attracted bythe beauty and desirableness of the country around Miako.He settled at a place named Kashiwarra or Kashiwabarra,a site near the city of Narra, about fifteen miles from thepresent capital. This choice of a site has been ratified byevery succeeding emperor, the Kio or capital (“King,” Chinese)of the empire having been frequently changed, butnever removed to any great distance from the spot originallyselected by Zinmu.

In truth, the site is in every way most suitable for thecapital of the country. It is, geographically, nearly in thecenter of the islands which constitute the empire. Fromthe port of the capital, Osaka (or Naniwa, as it was namedof old), a great fringe of the coast of the three islands inalmost land-locked waters is accessible to ships without theirventuring into the open sea. To this port a large body of[23]water is rolled down by the confluence of several rivers,which at one time were dispersed into several mouths andbranches; but by labor these have been collected and confinedwithin two outlets. There is, in consequence, a largeextent of alluvial ground producing rice and wheat for anumerous population. The inland water-communication extendsto the large lake Owomi—upward of sixty miles inlength and eighteen in breadth; and thence, with an intervalof a few miles only of land-carriage, to the port of Tsurunga,on the northern coast; while to the southeast, thenatives report that there is uninterrupted water-communicationto Owarri, and thence to Sinano, and, with a short intervalof land-carriage, even to Yedo—whence, again, itextends northward by rivers and canals to the vicinity ofNambu. The city of Miako of the present day stands ona plain, among hills clothed with wood, where art has donewhat it could to assist nature in the completion of landscapescenery, of the beauties of which the natives speak with rapture.During twenty-four centuries, members of the familyof Zinmu have sat upon the throne, and during that longtime the palace has been only at short intervals removed toany considerable distance from the site on which it at presentstands.

The imperial residence in Japan is a very different structurefrom anything that European ideas of palaces wouldexpect, being chiefly built of wood and other materials soinflammable that a palace has been reconstructed and destroyedwithin a year. When we read of each emperor, atan early date, building a palace for himself, it is not to besupposed that these were either expensive or very durablebuildings. Each emperor seems to have occupied a differenthabitation from his predecessor, removing from one siteto another, but generally keeping within the province ofYamashiro, or that adjoining, Yamato. Kwanmu, in theyear 794, built a palace on the site where the present citystands, and since his time Miako has been always lookedupon as the metropolis.

[24]The palace of the Emperor of Japan is called, as a whole,“Kinri go sho.” Though built of fine and expensive timber,it presents no appearance of that outward splendor which isgenerally considered by us to be necessary to an imperialresidence. The roofs of the buildings are said to be white.It is surrounded by a common inclosure of wooden boarding.This inclosure is pierced by several gates. These entrancesare graduated, and the settlement of the gate by which agreat man shall make his entrance or his exit is a matter ofno small importance at court. These gates lead into a largeopen space; in this is another inclosure (with other gates),in the center of which stands the wooden building, the “Shishin deng,” or imperial office, in which the emperor receivesthe highest officers of the empire. This he appears to doalmost in the open air. The emperor does not sit upon athrone or chair, but is slightly raised above the floor—threeof the ordinary mats of the country, placed one above theother, being used as a throne. To the back of this publicoffice is the residence or private apartments of the emperor;and behind these are the female apartments of the empress,the empress-mother, and other high ladies.

The “Shi shin deng” (Ch. “Tsz shin tien”) faces to thesouth, to the large outer gate, the “Yio may mong”; withinthis is another gate of a red inclosure, the gate of the sun,“Hi no go mong.” On passing through this, the largewooden-pillar-supported hall, with its roof with immenseeaves, is seen raised from the ground upon a lower frameworkof wood. Before it stand an orange and a cherry tree.Between these, six steps lead up to the wooden gallery orveranda, which goes round the hall under eaves projectingfive or six feet from the supports. A low balustrade surroundsthis veranda. Under this large canopy of roof, almostin the open air, the Emperor sits while he receiveshomage. The “Shi shin deng” occupies the red inclosure,having on the east side a small wooden building for coveringthe car used in processions; to the east of that is the buildingin which the “three jewels” are kept, the “Naishi dokoro.”[25]Within the “Shi shin deng” all extraordinary formal businessof importance is transacted. The Shiogoon here presentshimself to the Emperor. In the long hall to the westof the “Shi shin deng,” the “Say rio deng” (“Tsing liangtien”) or “Hiru no ma,” the mid-day room, ordinary businessis transacted. Immediately in the rear of the “Shi shindeng” is the “Nai go bansho,” or inner hall for business.To the east side, and overlooking the garden, is the “Tsunayno goteng,” or hall of meeting, or drawing-room. Behind,in the “Ko ngo sho,” the Emperor’s son and heir lives; herealso are the apartments of the elder women. “Nanga Hashino Tsubo nay” is the room in which levees are held, whererank is given, and degradations or punishments are awarded.Formerly all the offices of the different departments of governmentwere in the neighborhood of the palace, but outside,at a distance of one “cho,” or 120 yards.

At the back of all are the female apartments. On theeast side, outside of the inclosure, is the Gakumonjo, orimperial school.

To the southeast of the whole is another inclosure, the“Ko een go sho,” the palace of the Emperor after he hasabdicated, when he is known as Kubo, covering a space ofground nearly as large as the palace inclosure. Adjoiningthis, and immediately to the south, is the residence of thefather or predecessor of the abdicated emperor. He is knownas Sento (Tsin tung). To the southwest is that of the empressdowager, and the females of the old emperor’s court.The Shi sin wo, or four royal families, are located in theneighborhood, while all around are the residences, with inclosuresof ground, belonging to the “Go sekkay,” or “fiveassisting” families. Among these also is found a small inclosure,the residence of the Sho shi dai, the envoy of theShiogoon at the imperial court.

Except the greater elevation and whiteness of the roofs,there is nothing to distinguish the palace from the adjacentstreets. That the Emperor should be thus housed probablyinvolves a great state principle. The houses of Daimios and[26]high officers are built in a much more durable manner. TheShiogoon’s residences at Osaka, Miako, Yedo, and otherplaces, are generally built more like fortifications or placesof great strength. In similar style are raised the houses,palaces or forts of the Daimios in their respective provinces.It cannot, therefore, be from any fear of earthquakes thatthis style of a plain wood-and-paper house is adopted, but itis probably founded on the same principle as that on whichthe imperial pedigree is drawn up; viz., with the view ofgiving to it the appearance of a temple, and surrounding theEmperor with the circumstances and attributes of a god.

This palace in Miako appears to be the only one now usedby the Emperor. He is supposed to move from it temporarilyonly upon rare occasions. When he is obliged to change hisresidence, as when the palace is burned down, he occupiesapartments in some one of the many temples in the neighborhood.Any display of splendor in building is reservedfor the Shiogoon, who has several palaces of great size andstrength, as at Miako, Osaka, Fusimi, Yedo, Kofoo, Soonpoo,all of which are laid out on the plan of forts and built witha view to defense from military attacks.

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It has been stated, and often repeated, that the Emperorof Japan sits on a throne all day without moving his hands,or even his eyes; that he is treated as a god, and that hissubjects believe that the empire totters if he is unsteady.These are the exaggerations of the lower classes. Thereis no doubt that he is treated with the greatest reverenceand respect—that he is, as it were, an ideal abstraction, athing apart, necessary to the empire—that he is the Lord’sanointed, and not to be touched, and that no subject, howevergreat he may be, or however firmly he may havegrasped the power of the empire in the convulsions of arevolutionary period, may contemplate placing himself uponthat seat; and we shall find that two of the greatest menwho rose to the highest power did not dare to take such astep, though one, and perhaps both, proposed it to himself,and broached the idea to his followers. Though Nobunanga[27]set up a representation of himself to be worshiped, he didnot set aside the Emperor; and though Taikosama proposedto depose the Emperor, his followers would not allow it, or atleast dissuaded him from making the attempt. Still the Emperoris not altogether looked upon as the spiritual being heis generally represented in modern books. Indeed, in thefirst periods of the history of the country the head of the empirewas the commander, the leader of the army. Zinmuled his army to victory; and long after him the EmpressJinku Kogoo led her army into Corea. Her son Osin, betterknown by his posthumous title of Hatchimang, was at thehead of his army. But where there is no enemy to fightthe post of commander-in-chief soon falls into abeyance.Japan has long been in this position—of having no enemy towatch or to attack. Such a position entails, almost of necessity,the creation of a duality or double power. The weakcondition to which the imperial court descended, after it hadbeen denuded of its power, and after the command of itsarmies had fallen from the hands of scions of the blood-royalinto those of other families, was followed by convulsions,civil wars, and bloodshed, till the people returned to a stateof ignorance, and the fields to barrenness; but this seemsonly a consequence of having no enemy, no near neighborwith whom, by a process of constant watching and battling,as in Europe, the sinews of a nation are strengthened, andnational feeling is concentrated into a unity.

The annals of the emperors show that, for long after thetime of Zinmu, his successors took an active part in the politics,the wars, and the intrigues of the state. It is not amatter of wonder that the hands which held the sceptershould have become feeble during the fierce civil wars whichraged in the sixteenth century. The country would seemto have been driven by necessity to have two emperors—orat least, two opposing interests; and when the hereditarycommander-in-chief had in turn become a nonentity, oneadventurer after another started up—first, Nobunanga; secondly,Taikosama; thirdly, Iyeyas, all able men. The first[28]battled with the Buddhist priesthood, the second turned hisarms against Corea, the third, the ablest of all, devised thatdual system of seemingly divided empire, by which the powerof the executive remained in the hands of the Shiogoon atYedo, while the source or fountain of honors remained withthe Emperor in Miako. The configuration of the islands preventstheir being cut into two empires; it remained for Iyeyasto devise a dual system by which peace has been preservedin a remarkable way for two hundred and fifty years.

As to the titles by which the Emperor is known, these aredrawn in most part from the Chinese, and denote, in languagesuited to Oriental ideas, the illustrious position whichhe holds. The names express the idea that he reigns bydivine right. The oldest of these titles seems to be Mikoto.This is a Japanese word meaning “venerable,” and translatedinto Chinese, “tsun.” The word Mikado is more commonlyused now, and is translated by the Chinese “Ti,” oremperor. The word “O” or “Wo” is the Chinese “Wang,”emperor; and the word “ten,” or heaven, is commonlyadded—“Ten wo,” the heavenly ruler; or the combination“Owo,” or “Oho-wo,” meaning the great ruler, in whichsense “Dai-wo” is also used. “Tenshi” is the “tien-tsi” ofChina, the son of heaven. “O-ooji,” the great family, issometimes applied to the Emperor. The common people talkof the Emperor as “Miyako sama,” in contradistinction to“Yedo sama,” the Shiogoon, the Lord of Yedo. “Ooyaysama,”or the superior lord, is also used. “Dairi,” madeup of two Chinese words signifying the inner court or “theinterior,” is equivalent to the words “the court” in English,and seems to include the residences of the royal families andhigher nobility. It is, however, sometimes applied to theEmperor himself, and sometimes to the palace as a building.The first word, “dai” is written both “great,” ta, and “inner,”nai. The latter seems the more common. “Gosho”is a word sometimes applied to the palace, at others to theEmperor and the government. The word “in,” or “een,”is a Buddhist word, added to the posthumous name of some[29]of the deceased emperors instead of “Ten wo.” In additionto these, other names are used, as “Kwo tei,” or ruler of thepeople, “Chokku,” etc.

From the earliest period in the history of Japan, mentionis made of three things which necessarily appertain to theperson who sits upon the throne. They seem to be lookedon as symbols of the imperial power, as palladia of the empire.In one of the treatises upon the Emperor’s court it issaid of these mysterious emblems: “In that early time theheaven-illuminating god arrived at Kashiwabarra, then thecapital, and placed an eight-cubit mirror and a grass-shavingsword in the palace, on the throne of the Emperor, and thesereceived such homage as was rendered in the early times.The efficacy of the god was very great, so that the Emperor,dwelling with this god (these divine symbols), was, as itwere, equal to a god. Within the palace these things werelaid up, that the divine power might remain wherever thesethings were. At that time (two high officers) regulated thesacrificial rites and ceremonies until the tenth emperor, who,fearing the sacredness of the divine presence, took these twoefficacious symbols, the sword and the mirror, and put themaway in another place, which was the origin of the idea ofthe Emperor sitting like a god in the place of a god.”

In this quotation only two things are mentioned—thesword and the mirror. A third is spoken of sometimes as aball of crystal, at others as a seal, “sinji.” Klaproth callsit a ball of greenstone with two small round holes. Thethree things go by the name of “Sanjioo no jinji.” Duringthe long and bloody wars between the emperors of the northand south, in the sixteenth century, the former, who residedin Miako, and finally established himself on the throne, wasnot considered incontestably emperor until he obtained possessionof these three sacred symbols. Though the emperorof the south was hard pressed, and almost a refugee in themountains, he kept possession of them, and finally concludeda truce, delivering them up to his opponent, emperor defacto. On one occasion the three precious jewels were stolen,[30]and after being kept several months were recovered or sentback. On several occasions they have narrowly escapeddestruction by fire, and in the year 1040 A.D. the mirror wasbroken by the heat; but the pieces were recognized andplaced together. Within the last few years (in 1851) theywere again nearly exposed to a similar chance of destruction,but were saved by Hoongay Hashimoto, who brought themout at the risk of his life.

In Japan it is usual to perform a ceremony at the timewhen the boy assumes the toga virilis and becomes a man.The age at which this takes place is not settled, and seemsto vary from the tenth to the fifteenth year. The eldest sonof the Emperor undergoes this operation (known as “Gembuko”;Ch., “yuen fuh”) about the age of ten or eleven,when he, according to the custom, receives a new name.His hair is shaved off in the manner usual with men, and heassumes a dress. In all families the occasion is an importantone, and in the case of the son of the Emperor, the heir-apparent,it becomes national. At the inauguration of theEmperor (according to Klaproth) his height is measured witha bamboo, which is deposited in one of the great temples inthe province of Isse until his death, when it is removed toanother, and revered as a spirit. With the bamboo of thereigning Emperor are deposited a straw-hat, a grass rain-mantle,and a spade, emblems of agriculture, held in Japanas an occupation second only to that of the soldier.

The Emperor is said to have his eyebrows shaved, and toblacken his teeth every morning, which operation is effectedby a mixture of sulphate of iron and some astringent bark.The state dresses of the Emperor are generally of very richstrong silk of a bright green color. The shape, the color, thepattern are all fixed, and not left to choice. His under garmentsare of white silk, and called “mookoo”; and this isthe part of his dress which he never wears twice. Besidesbeing changed every morning, there are other occasions duringthe day in which necessity demands a change. Thesewhite silk dresses are the perquisites of one of the servants,[31]and are sold by him in Miako. The Emperor always usescold water for bathing. The cups which he uses for hismeals are also broken; but when it is remembered that theChinese and Japanese style of eating requires only one cup,and this perhaps not a very expensive one, the total does notamount to a large sum in the annual budget. He is said todevote his time to business matters, with discussions uponhistory, laws, and religion. In times past he has taken butlittle part in the business of the country; but his share inthis is every year upon the increase, and he is courted bythose who see in what direction political power is tending.The power of conferring titles and rank may have given himan amount of occupation and an acquaintance with mankindwhich would hardly leave him the nonentity he has generallybeen described. Twelve days of the month are set apartfor conversations and discussions upon the history, laws, andreligion of Japan. Such spare time as he has is devoted tothe composition of poetry, with music and chess. The Emperoris supposed to move out of his palace and the groundsand gardens adjoining only twice a year—once during spring,and once in autumn—when he goes in a covered car, inclosedby semi-transparent screens of bamboo, drawn by large bullocks,to visit the environs of Miako. This procession isknown as “Miyuki” or “Gokowo.”

On this state procession the Emperor is accompanied byall the high officers in Miako. He does not always strictlyadhere to this rule of seclusion, however. Twenty-five yearsago Kokaku was in the practice of walking about the townwith his son, afterward Jin-ko, dressed like a common man.The excuse for this was that his palace was being rebuilt,after having been burned down. After the Emperor hasabdicated no restrictions are placed upon him.

The Emperor, like the majority of his countrymen, is avegetarian in his diet, and, in addition, eats only fish. Atone time such animal food as venison was considered fit forroyalty; but the story goes that the Emperor Ssu-jio heardone evening a doe crying plaintively for her mate. On the[32]succeeding morning he came to the conclusion that somevenison for his breakfast was the missing lover; and, eversince, venison has not been included among the dainties ofthe royal kitchen. In his time the Emperor and all his courtbegan to wear the stiff-starched ample robes still used, andthe long “kio” or train, which was introduced to prevent thefeet of retreating courtiers being seen. On leaving the presenceof the Emperor, officers walk backward on their knees.

Some writers have alleged that the Emperor is lookedupon as a god, and that the people think that he goes in theeleventh month to the meeting of the spirits, the “kami.”This meeting is believed by the lower classes in Japan to takeplace during the eleventh month in the province of Idzumo,at the temple of Oyashiro, which temple is thus honoredbecause the first spirit dwelt there. At this meeting thespirits arrange the sublunary and mundane business of Japanfor the subsequent eleven months. The inhabitants of Idzumocall this month “Kami ari tski,” or the spirit month.All the other provinces call it “Kami nashi tski,” the monthwithout spirits. The Emperor is supposed to be above allthe kami or spirits, inasmuch as he can confer honors uponthe dead; but he is not looked upon as above the “Tentosama,” or Lord of heaven, showing that a lower position isassigned to the kami (or “Shin” of the Chinese) than to thehighest deity. But no one of any ordinary education inJapan believes that the Emperor goes to this meeting ofspirits; these ideas, like many others similar in China, areonly current among the least educated of the people. Duringthis month, when the spirits are so occupied, none ofthose ceremonies in which their assistance must be invoked,such as marriages, adoptions, etc., takes place; no prayersare offered, as the spirits are supposed to be engaged. Atthis meeting they arrange all the marriages which are totake place during the ensuing year. Each individual in thisworld, male and female, is supposed to have a thread of existence,“yeng.” The spirits take the pairs of threads ofthose who are to be joined in matrimony and knot them[33]together. So we speak of marriages being made in heavenwhile the hymeneal knot is tied on earth. From this themonth is called “Yeng moosoobi tski”—i.e., Tie-the-knotmonth.

Abdication from positions of active life is very commonamong all ranks in Japan. No position seems to be moreeasily renounced than that of the occupation of the throne.In a country where the heir may have the misfortune to bebrought up in the lap of luxury, and amid sensual excitementsand indulgences of every kind, it is not surprising thatthe irksomeness of his position should make the holder sighto be relieved from it, or that vigor of mind or body is onlyto be found in those cases where, the heir-apparent havingbeen cut off, the successor has been adopted at a late periodof his life, having been reared without the expectation ofsubsequent elevation. After the Emperor has abdicated heis named “Tai sho ten wo”—equivalent to “His most exaltedand sacred Majesty.” At the present day, upon his takingthis step, should he devote himself to religion and become“Fo wo,” his head is shaved, and he retires to a monasticlife, and generally occupies the temple Ninaji or Omuro inthe neighborhood of Miako.

The Japanese are unostentatious in their customs, andin the treatment of their great ones after death are singularlyundemonstrative. Considering that all the rites connectedwith the dead are after the Buddhist ritual, and that theChinese devote so much money and soil to the tombs andmonuments of their ministers and great men and women,something of the same veneration might be expected inJapan. But, on the contrary, the tombs are generally verysmall unpretending structures, consisting of a basement,upon which a single stone is erected of no great size. Suchis the tomb of Yoritomo, the great hero, in the neighborhoodof Kamakura; and such, we are told, are the tombs of theemperors. They are covered over with a roofing of straw,to keep before their countrymen and subjects the remembranceof their primeval simplicity.

[34]As to the succession to the throne, the laws or regulationsin Japan do not seem to be very decided. The frequentabdication of the ruler gives the opportunity forsecuring that his successor shall have all the weight andassistance that the predecessor can give to overcome the pretensionsof rival claimants. When the death of the Emperorhas suddenly left the throne vacant, the eldest son is supposedto be the rightful heir. But when, as frequently hashappened, his mind and body have been enfeebled by dissipation,and he has neither wit nor vigor to seize the reins ofpower, he has too often been supplanted by the ambitionof a brother, or a wife of his father. When the Emperorleaves only a daughter, she is married to a member of thefour imperial families, and her husband in that case becomesEmperor. In reality, the most powerful party about thecourt, when any difficulty occurs, puts in and supports themember of the imperial family most favorable to their continuingin power.

The genealogy of the Emperors is considered true andauthentic as published in the Red Book of the empire; thepedigree of the Shiogoon is looked upon as made up. Theformer is to be found fully detailed from native sources inthe works of Klaproth and Kæmpfer. The “Oon jo mayrang” is the title of a small book giving the pedigrees andcrests of the Emperor’s family, and of the koongays or nobility.Two crests or coats-of-arms are used by the Emperor—theone, “kiku,” for outside imperial government business,like the flower of a chrysanthemum, with sixteenpetals; the other, the “kiri,” is used for the palace matterspersonal to the Emperor and his family. No noticeseems to be taken of the common assumption of the imperialcrest, but no one dares to use the crest of the Shiogoonexcept by permission.

The following sayings give some idea of the reverencewith which the Emperor is spoken of: “Mikado ni oojinashi,” is a saying to express that the Emperor is of nofamily. “Tenshi foo bo nashi”—“The Emperor has neither[35]father nor mother.” “In heaven there is one sun, on earththere is one Emperor,” is a Confucian saying in accordancewith the ideas of the country. “O wo wa jiu zenn, kamiwa ku zenn”—“The power of the Emperor is as ten, that ofthe gods as nine”; implying that more reverence is due tothe Emperor than to the lesser spirits, and that he has morepower. “The Emperor all men respect, the Shiogoon allmen fear.” “Heaven is his father, earth is his mother, hisfriends are the sun and moon.” Such ideas are taken fromthe Chinese classics.

The Emperor marries one wife, who is the Empress. Heis allowed by the laws of the country to take twelve concubines,who are generally the daughters of the poorer nobility.The throne can be, and has frequently been, occupiedby a female. The Emperor is supposed to receive, as anallowance from the Shiogoon, 100,000 kobangs, equal to$350,000 per annum. This he receives from the Yedo government,but he probably has a large revenue from land inthe “Go ki nai” or “Go ka koku,” or five provinces. Heis said to complain of the duties from foreign trade not beingpaid into his treasury, inasmuch as when the trade was conductedformerly by the Portuguese at Sakkye, the Emperorreceived the duties; but as Yokohama is out of the Gokinai,the Shiogoon prefers that the duties should flow to Yedo.These five provinces are frequently spoken of by the writersof the sixteenth century as the Tensee—heavenly or sacredsoil. They are Yamashiro, Yamato, Setsu, Kaawdsio, andIdzumi. The whole empire is spoken of, as in China, as allunder heaven—“Tenka.”

Two officers in the Emperor’s palace are appointed fromYedo—two Hattamoto, or inferior barons—to superintendthe disbursement of money, and to keep accounts of themoney paid by the Shiogoon’s government. These menhave fifty soldiers under them. Under them are nine “Toritsungi,”generally men of some rank and position.

The Emperor’s own private establishment consists of thefollowing officers:

[36]1. Makanye Kashira, generally a Hattamoto, who keepsthe accounts of the imperial table and pays the money.

2. Kye mon tskye, called “Kimsakye,” two Hattamoto,who go to buy the provisions for the palace.

3. Go zembang, six men, whose business is to examinethe Emperor’s food.

4. Shuri siki, five men, to look after the buildings; generallyMiako men of old families.

5. Makanye kata, six men, whose duty is to say what,and how much, is to be purchased for the palace.

6. Gim miakoo and Itamoto—of the former three, of thelatter seventeen—head cooks and ordinary cooks.

7. Kangay bang, keepers of the keys, seven men.

8. Sosha bang, messengers.

9. Tskye bang or Kashira, three men, lower messengers.

These are all given in the official list as the ordinaryhousehold in daily attendance on the emperor.

After his death an honorific title is given to the deceasedEmperor, by which he is subsequently known in history.

THE SHI SINWO, OR FOUR IMPERIAL FAMILIES

The “Shi sinwo” (“sz tsan wang”) are “four imperialrelatives,” or royal families of Japan. This name denotesfour families of imperial descent set apart, with allotted residencesand revenues, as supporters to the imperial family.The families are cadets of the royal line descended fromjunior branches. From among the members of these fourfamilies, in case of failure of male heirs of the body, an heirto the throne, or a husband to the Princess Imperial, is tobe sought.

In Japan all ranks are under laws more or less strict, andfrom such the imperial family does not escape. The successionto the throne, at all times an object in Eastern countriesfor daring ambition to aim at, and a fruitful source of revolutionand misery to the people, is regulated and guardedin Japan on a basis wide enough to secure a succession, and[37]preserved by such safeguards as to put it out of the powerof collaterals to hope for success from intriguing ambition.One of these safeguards is supposed to be in the Emperor’sbeing allowed to take twelve concubines over and above hislawful wife, the Empress. These are generally daughters ofmen of high rank about the court, and the son of any oneof them, if there is no son by the Empress, may succeed. Ifthere be a daughter, she marries one of the members of thesefour families, and he becomes Emperor. Jinko, the fatherof the late Emperor, succeeded in this way. His father,Kokaku, was a member of the royal Kunnin family, andmarried the only daughter of the Emperor, and so becameEmperor. He had a concubine, the daughter of KoongayKwadjooji. The wife and the concubine had each one son.Satchay no mia was the son of the wife, and heir-apparentto the throne. But the concubine was a fierce, jealouswoman, and determined that her son should succeed, andshe poisoned Satchay. It was the duty of the Shiogoon’senvoy, Sakkye, to inquire into the reports that were circulating;and having done so, he discovered the truth, andput the concubine into confinement. But, though the Emperorwas much distressed, he loved her too well and insistedon her being released. The government at Yedo heard ofwhat had happened, and required the envoy to give his reasonsfor releasing her, when she had committed so heinousa crime. He committed suicide. Her son, Jinko, it is said,always paid the Empress the greatest respect, and wouldnever see his own mother afterward.

But even with this wide matrimonial basis allowed tothe Emperor, there may be a failure of heirs direct. Thesefour families are therefore established as a further safeguardto the succession.

They take their names from collateral branches of theimperial house, being originally the families of younger sonsof previous Emperors. At present there are only two familiesof Sinwo, two having become extinct by failure of heirs.They are, however, only dormant, as it is a part of the policy[38]of the state that these families should be in existence, and itis in the power of the Emperor to put one of his sons into, asit were, the extinct family—that is, to call him by the nameand give him the revenues belonging to the house, whichrevenues have been accruing until the family is re-established.

The four families are called collectively Shi (four) sin (relations)wo (imperial). The sons of these families are calledSinwo O’nkatta, or O’nkatta sama [O’nkatta is used as anaddress of respect to ladies, and also to Sinwo and high officersin personal attendance on the Emperor], and from thesesons a successor to the Emperor may be taken.

The names of the four “families” are—1, Fusimi; 2,Arisungawa; 3, Katsura; 4, Kunnin. Of these the last twoare the dormant houses. The revenues of these two housesare managed by factors or agents, and the fourth is said tobe very wealthy.

The heads of the two existing families are:

1. Fusimi no mia, who has a nominal revenue of 1,016koku[1] of rice; but he has probably twenty or thirty thousandkoku. The present man is a Koboong of Jinko, the lateEmperor.

This “boong” is a voluntary union between two persons,and is quite different from adoption. It is more of the characterof a Masonic connection. In the relation of a child heis called Koboong; of a father, Oyaboong; of brothers orsisters, Kiodaiboong: and this connection is a very commontie between two individuals in Japan, as well as in China,to help and assist each other. It runs through all ranks andboth sexes. It is a connection which may be as easily severedas it is made, but it is often strictly adhered to. It is[39]generally made by drinking formally out of the same cup,each taking half of the liquor. It may be severed by cuttingoff the queue, or simply by formally intimating that itis at an end.

2. Arisungawa Nakatskasa no kio, or head of the CentralBoard. His nominal income is 1,000 koku, but his realrevenue is much larger.

3. Katsura; the revenue is 3,006 koku.

4. Kunnin; the revenue is nominally 1,006 koku.

In these families there is generally a sufficient numberfrom among whom to select a successor in case of the death,or what seems more common in Japan, the abdication andretirement, of the Emperor. But, at the same time, thearrangement has its disadvantages. It places a number ofmen and women of all ages in a very high position, withapparently no occupation for their leisure time. These menmight become troublesome in the state by carrying on intriguesfor their own advancement and for the gratificationof their ambition. Within the last few years much disquietudehas been caused by one of the Sinwo engaging inintrigues to upset the reigning Emperor. A means has beenarrived at for at once giving these persons income, business,position, and at the same time getting them out of the way.

The Buddhist priesthood was at one time a very powerfulelement in the country. The number of priests was verygreat, and the revenues of the monasteries were enormous.By their wealth, and from among their vassals, they wereable to keep up a respectable army; and not by their vassalsalone—the priests themselves filled the ranks. The differentsects built magnificent temples, and these were endowed withample lands. Immediately before the period of the adventof the Christians in the sixteenth century, the power of thepriesthood seems to have reached its highest point. Nobunanga,who at one time was inclined to favor the foreignpriests, had always a great jealousy of, and bore a great ill-willto, the Buddhist priesthood. He destroyed their temples,killed their priests, and confiscated their revenues, and[40]thus gave a blow to their power from which they have neverrecovered, and under which they are withering more andmore every day.

In Japan, a man while a priest, after having shaved hishead and taken the vows, is supposed to be out of the world,and it is then much easier to keep a certain amount of surveillanceover him, and to see that he is attending to hisduties, and is not engaged in political intrigues.

Of the larger Buddhist temples of different sects, fourteenare retained as having the largest revenues; and whenevera male member of the royal family is unprovided for he isput in as head abbot or bishop of one of these temples.They are generally appointed while children, and broughtup to the position; and as the revenues of the office havethus time to accumulate, the reverend holder has sufficientfor his wants and those of a respectable retinue. They arethen called Sinwo Monzekke (Muntsih).

1. The first is Rinoji Monzekke, or abbot of Rinoji temple.The temple over which he is abbot is To yay zan, inYedo. The first high-priest put into this was Koboong ofIyeyas, then Shiogoon. The revenue amounts to 13,000koku of rice. The holder is of the Arisungawa family, andis of the first rank and second degree. He is known as“Kwan rayee no mia” (from the nengo, or date, of his appointment),and Yedo no mia or Ooyay no mia. In 1860the incumbent was very old, and a boy, Gofutay, of theFusimi family, was appointed assistant and successor.

2. The second is Ninaji no mia, otherwise called Omuro.The income is 1,502 koku. The incumbent is of the Fusimifamily. He is head of the Singong sect, and was appointedto the office in 1843, when four years of age. To this templethe Emperor generally retires should he become a priest afterabdication.

3. Dai Kakuji, otherwise called Sanga, is vacant.

4. Mio ho in, at Hiyayzan, a large temple near Miako.The Monzekke is of the Kunnin family. He is head of theTendai sect of Buddhists, and is known as Tendai zass.

[41]5. Sho ngo in no Monzekke is head of the Yamabooshireligion. He is of the Fusimi family, with an income of1,430 koku. His temple is at Omine Honzan.

6. Sho ko in; vacant, but the revenues are held by No. 5.

7. Say ray in Monzekke: is known as Awata Mia. Heis of the Fusimi family. The income is 1,330 koku.

8. Chi wong in Monzekke, of the Arisungawa family.The temple is in Miako, and he is the head of the Jodoshiusect of Buddhists.

9. Kwajooji is vacant.

10. Itchi jo in Monzekke. The temple is in Narra, andis very old. Held by one of the house of Fusimi.

11. Kaji ee Monzekke, of the Tendai sect. Of the familyof Fusimi, with an income of 1,600 koku.

12. Manjo in Monzekke is vacant.

13. Bissa mondo Monzekke is also vacant.

14. Emmang in Monzekke, commonly called Medora, inthe province of Owomi, is also vacant.

All these bishoprics, as they may be called, are held, ormay be held, by Sinwo or sons of Sinwo.

But as it is in many countries, both European and Eastern,as necessary and as difficult to dispose of the femalesof high families as the males, they also are in many casesprovided for.

There are twenty-four temples or nunneries which are, ormay be, under the superintendence of daughters or relativesof the four royal families.

1. Daijoji, in Miako; of this temple a daughter of theEmperor was formerly abbess.

2. Hokio ji.

3. Dan kay in.

4. Ko shio in.

5. Ray gan ji, held by one of the Fusimi family, whohas the title of Nio-wo, or Queen of Nuns.

6. Yenshoji, in Narra, the ecclesiastical metropolis ofJapan.

7. Rin kinji.

[42]8. Chiu goji and sixteen others of lower class. Many ofthem are, however, unoccupied; partly, perhaps, from wantof ladies of the royal family to fill them, and partly fromfailure of zeal for the Buddhist religion all over the country.

The laws with reference to the perpetuity of the vows ofthese priests and priestesses do not seem to be very strict, aswe find that, when opportunity offers, the garb is thrownoff, the hair is allowed to grow, and he or she mixes againin the world in whatever capacity their worldliness, theirambition, or their sense, has prompted them to desire.

It has been stated that the Emperor, as the fountain ofhonor, reserves to himself the sole right of conferring titlesand rank. This reservation throws great political power intohis hands, the acquisition of title and rank being, with rareexceptions, an object of the highest ambition to a Japanese.The amount of business connected with this power is great,and may be said to have been for many years the sole occupationfor the Miako court. A special office and officersare set apart within the palace inclosure for carrying onthe correspondence and settling disputes connected with thedepartment.

RANKS OF MEN IN JAPAN

Every individual in Japan, whether noble, priest or peasant,is supposed to know the rank in which he stands relativelyto those about him. The marks of respect to superiors—whichin degree appear excessive to Western nations—aregraduated from a trifling acknowledgment to the mostabsolute prostration. When two men or women meet, thefirst point to be ascertained seems to be, which of the two isto make the acknowledgment of the social position of theother. This state of things is supported by law as well ascustom, and more particularly by the permission given to atwo-sworded man, in case of his feeling himself insulted, totake the law into his own hands. What would be irksometo us seems to become easy and a matter of course in Japan;and though, no doubt, the assumption of position is often the[43]source of brawls and fights, the system works more smoothlythan might have been expected.

The custom of wearing two swords was introduced in thesixteenth century. The old Miako nobility do not adopt thecustom—civilian Koongays wearing no sword, and militaryonly one as of old. All Japan is divided into two classes:those who have a right to wear two swords, the “Nihonsashi shto” or “two-sworded man,” called also “Yashikishto” or castle retainers; and those who have no such right,the “Matchi shto” or street man (otherwise called Chonin).The latter class comprises merchants, artisans, workmen,etc., who work at some trade, but possess no ground; andalso Hiaksho, farmers who do not trade, but farm or rentground. In some cases individuals of these classes can weartwo swords. The “swordless man” in Yedo pays rent forhis ground, house and shop. The “two-sworded man” paysno rent and no taxes, because he is not allowed to trade. InYedo, parts of the town are known as “Matchi tsuchee,”street ground, and other parts as “Yashiki tsuchee,” castleground. Persons living on the former can open shops andtrade; in the latter this is not allowed. This last two-swordedclass is known as “Samurai” (Ch. Sz), whichmay be translated “an officer and a gentleman,” and isan important distinction conferring valuable rights andprivileges at the expense of the rest of the community.

This division of the people into two classes is a measureissuing from the executive at Yedo, the Shiogoon’s government,rather than from Miako. The Samurai class maybe said to include the Koongays, the Daimios, the “Jikisang,” who are the officers and sub-officers in the service ofthe Shiogoon; the Byshing—i.e., officers in the service ofDaimios; and such Chonin as are doing duty as officers insome large town, such as Osaka or Miako, and are alwaysspoken of in connection with the city—as Osaka chonin, forinstance. The term “Samurai” is applied more particularlyto all below the fifth rank, military or civilians who are notmerchants or artisans. There are others who have the right[44]to wear two swords, such as Goshi, large farmers or landedproprietors whose ancestors were Daimios. These are strongestin the provinces of Kahi, Etsjiu and Dewa, some beingvery wealthy—as Homma in Dewa, and Hanagura in Etsjiu.The Samurai who have the right to wear two swords assumethe right of giving two swords to their attendants; and thisright, once assumed, is not readily relinquished, seeing thata two-sworded man has the privilege of traveling at a muchcheaper rate than other members of society, pays no tolls ortaxes, and not infrequently pays nothing for food and lodging,their power being so great that they are feared, if notin actual attendance upon some superior. These men arefrequently dismissed by, or voluntarily leave the service of,their Daimio or master; but as those who are so dismissed areoften brawlers, they retain their swords, and gain a livingby their becoming a terror to quiet people. They are saidto be “floating,” without any attachment, like straws on astream, and are thence called “Ronin” or “floating-man.”These men are most imperious and domineering towardothers not having the same privileges as themselves, andthis power compels wealthy traders and others to enrollthemselves in the retinue of some Daimio, or take someother roundabout mode to prevent themselves being insulted.This is not the character of every Ronin, manyof whom are respectable members of society, holding theirprivileges in abeyance until called upon to give feudal serviceby some superior.

The people of Japan are divided generally into the followingclasses:

1. Koongays, or Miako nobility.

2. Daimios, or Yedo nobility.

3. Hattamoto—Lower Daimio class.

4. Hiaksho—Farmers and landed proprietors withoutrank or title.

5. Shokonin—Artisans, carpenters, etc.

6. Akindo—Merchants.

7. Kweiamono—Actors, beggars, etc.

[45]8. Yayta—Tanners, shoemakers, leather workers, skinners.

Beneath these are prostitutes, and all connected withthem, who are considered beasts, or on a level with them.

In opposition to the name of “Koongay” (Kung kia),“exalted house,” the nobility of Miako, the Daimios andofficers of the Shiogoon’s court, are called “Jee ngay” (Tihia), meaning persons low, on a level with the ground, thelatter not being recognized by the Emperor as feudal lordsfurther than as servants of his servant, “Tokungawa”—i.e.the Shiogoon.

The Japanese titles and classification of officers have beentaken generally from China. As in China, all the officershonored with titles by the Emperor, or performing dutiesabout the court, are divided into classes or ranks. In Chinathe Mandarins are divided into nine classes. Each of theseclasses is again subdivided into a first and secondary division.The same division and subdivision are found inJapan, with this difference, that there are six classes, eachsubdivided into four ranks. The word used for rank is I,otherwise called Kurai. This is the Chinese word Wai.The six ranks in order are, Itchi-i, Ni-i, Sanm-i, Shi-i, Go-iand Roko-i. Each of these is divided according to theChinese classification into two, the “shio” (or “jio”) andthe “jiu,” corresponding to the “ching” and the “tsung.”These are subdivided again into two—upper and lower—“jio”and “gay,” the Chinese “shang” and “hia.” Thefull description of men of the first and second ranks wouldbe respectively “Jo itchi-i no jio” and “Jo itchi-i no gay”—the“no” meaning “of.” The minor divisions “jio” and“gay” are not much used in the higher ranks until thehighest is reached, an honor now reserved only for thedead. Indeed, all below Shi-i, or the fourth grade, arecommonly known now by a general name, “Sho dai boo”(“Chu ta fu”). The higher classes wear at court distinguishingdresses and colors, or devices upon black dresses,and they are entitled in virtue of their rank to have a spear[46]carried before them when moving about officially. Officersare presented at court, both at Miako and Yedo, accordingto their rank, not according to the importance of their office.Few of the Daimios are higher than the first subdivision ofthe fourth rank. The Shiogoon himself is elevated from onerank to another by the favor of the Emperor, at times notrising higher than the first subdivision of the second class.To attain such rank at the imperial court is the great objectof ambition in Japan, and next in importance is the acquisitionof a title conferred by the Emperor. But as some titles,though not recognized at court, are used by the Daimios asholding territory under the Shiogoon, there is a distinctionobserved between the two. The holders of titles conferredby the Emperor are known as “Kio kwang” (King kwan) orimperial officers, while the Daimios are known from theirterritorial appellations as “Kooni kami” (Kwoh shau), orkeepers of the provinces. An imperial title in the addressis always placed before the territorial title.

THE KOONGAY

After the Emperor and royal families, the first in rank inthe state are the Koongays. Until further light be thrownupon Japanese history, the remote origin of this class willbe somewhat obscure, some tracing their pedigree back upwardof 1,500 years. Many of the Koongays are descendantsof younger sons and cadets of the imperial familybranching off at former periods, while the surnames of someof the other families are as old as historic records. In allprobability their forefathers came over to Japan at the timeof its invasion and conquest by Zinmu, and being the assistants,brothers in arms, and mainstays of his throne andpower, the soil about the center of the empire was dividedamong them, and they thenceforward became the nobility ofthe court of the Emperor. So long as the empire was underone emperor who ruled vigorously, this aristocracy seems tohave existed in the central provinces as feudal lords, much[47]in the same way as the Daimios of the present day. Butwhen the vigor of rule relaxed, and power fell into the handsof a commander-in-chief, or mayor of the palace, with uncertaintyin the rulers, there followed division in the aristocracy.Previous to the beginning of the fifteenth century,the western part of the empire was all that was known toany who could throw light upon its position by writing.The large tract of country to the north and northeast ofYedo, called the obscure or unpenetrated way, was comparativelyunknown and uninhabited, and was divided intofour or five large territories, under princes who seldomheard of, and more rarely visited, the court at Miako. Thedissensions and struggles for power between the two powerfulfamilies of Heji and Genji gave rise to a nearly continualstate of civil war for upward of 200 years. During the Oninwar families were destroyed, territories were lost, might waseverywhere right, and though several of the oldest andnoblest families among the Koongays retained their honorsand titles and places about the court, they lost their property,and many have ever since remained at the lowest ebbof poverty.

Those few noble families which had previously to thisperiod of civil war divided among themselves the places andtitles of the court, were denuded of their splendor; but theirrepresentatives continued to struggle on with poverty, proudin the possession of an ancient lineage, and of their namesbeing enrolled as nobles in the Great Book of the empire.These are the Koongays of the present day. They are notall in this state of poverty, many of them being well off, andsome very wealthy; but others are very poor, and eke outthe scanty subsistence given them by the Emperor by painting,basket-making, and other manual employments, affording,in their persons, their poverty, and their pretensions,ample scope for the pen of the native caricaturist. Thenames, history, and pedigree of the Koongays are enrolledin the Great Book of the empire, the equivalent to the Heralds’Office or Patent Office of England. A book, the[48]“Koongay no Kayzu,” or Pedigree of the Koongays, isprinted in Japan, giving all these particulars, and is generallyby the natives considered authentic. The names ofDaimios (as such) are not so enrolled; they have no patentsof nobility from the Emperor, and the “Hang campu,” givingthe pedigree and history of the families of Daimios, isregarded as anything but authentic, and is looked uponas in many cases made up by individuals to conceal theorigin of the family.

The Koongay class includes all the illustrious families ofJapan. In common estimation the Daimios are far belowthis class; and even the Shiogoon, though he is feared as thehead of the executive, is looked upon as comparatively aparvenu.

The class is divided into two, an older or higher, the“Koongio,” and a lower, or more recently created, “Ten jiobito” (Tien shang jin). “Koongio” (Kung hiang) is a namewhich includes all the officers of the first, second and thirdranks. All of the fourth rank and below are called “Soshing,” in which are included “Ten jio bito,” “Sho diabu,”and “Samurai.” The appellation “Mayka” (ming kia)seems to denote that the bearer is a civilian. All the higheroffices in the state are filled by Koongays, but only fivefamilies are eligible to fill the highest. These five familiesare known as the “Go sek kay” (Wu ship kia), or “Shippaykay,” or “Sessio no eeyay,” helper of emperor—lit., to takethe handle—“the five assisting families.” They are: 1,Konoyay; 2, Koojio; 3, Nijio; 4, Itchijio; 5, Takatskasa.If the highest offices under the Emperor (as those of “Daijio dai jin,” “Kwanbakku,” or “Sessio”) be vacant, noone who is not of one of these five families is eligible tofill such office.

In regard to rank at court, the Koongays generally standin the lower class of the first, or in the second or third rank.They are known at Miako by their dress. For a long timepast they have had little power, and were of little importance;but since the commencement of foreign relations the[49]political tide has rather flowed toward Miako, and fromYedo, and they have increased in political power as well asin wealth, as the Daimios and office-seekers of Yedo endeavorto obtain the objects of their ambition through the influenceof their poorer brethren in Miako. The poverty of most ofthe class prevents their entering upon an enervating lifeof dissipation, which too often saps the vigor of the constitutionof the Daimios, and they are able to take a part in thediscussion of political subjects. Many of them fill the moreor less nominal offices of government in one of the eightgreat boards of the empire; and this amount of occupation,together with writing imaginative pieces, keeps their mindsin a sufficient state of activity.

In addition to the distinctions of rank in Japan, there isalso the distinction into families or clans, great importancebeing attached to a family name. The feuds between rivalfamilies have in past times rent the empire to pieces. TheEmperor is said to have no name; but some of the cadets,offshoots from the imperial line, have founded lines of theirown, taking root and flourishing as distinct families. In thisway have been derived the lines known as the “Say waGenji,” the “Ooda Genji,” and the “Murakami Genji.”These are descendants of younger sons of emperors of thesenames. But among all the families of Japan, the first placeis held by that of Fusiwara, in length of pedigree, in thehonors held in past ages, and in the present position of thefamily. During every period in the annals of the empire,members of this family have filled the highest offices, civiland military, of the state. But it has, perhaps, shone morein civil employment than in military. The “five families”of the Sekkay mentioned above belong to the clan Fusiwara.Other families have risen at different times to the highestpinnacle attainable by subjects, but after a time they havegradually fallen back into comparative obscurity. Ninety-fiveof the Koongays call themselves of the clan Fusiwara.In very remote periods the family of Nakatomi seems tohave held the highest rank, absorbing by its members, at one[50]time, all the offices of religion. Only one Koongay family,Fusinami, now represents this old clan. In point of antiquity,if not of luster of name, the Sungawara family, commonlycalled Kwang kay, ranks second only to Fusiwara.The members of this family are rarely found in military employment,generally filling the offices of teachers or lecturerson history or religion.

The “Gen kay,” otherwise called “Minnamoto,” are moreillustrious as military men. Seventeen families of the Koongaysbelong to this clan. All the Minnamoto Koongays aredescended from younger sons of former emperors. One ofthese, the “Say wa” Minnamoto, assert that their line is thesame as that of the present imperial dynasty of China, whoare descendants of the Emperor Say wa, or “Tsing wa,”whence the “Tsing” or “Ta Tsing” family, which emigratedfrom the north of Japan several centuries ago.

The Taira, or He kay, the great opponent of the Gen kay(otherwise known as Heji and Genji) during many years ofcivil war, includes five families.

Nishika koji, of the Tanba clan, is said to represent oneof the emperors of China of the Eastern Han dynasty, whowas driven from China and took refuge in Japan.

A new creation of Koongays is very rare. About 1830,Kitta koji (of the clan Oway), whose family for three generationshad filled the office of Kurodo, was elevated to therank.

The names of Koongays are, in many cases, derived fromthe street or place where they originally lived, as Itchi jio,No. 1 Street.

There are in all 137 Koongays.

There is assigned to each Koongay an annual revenuecalculated in koku of rice. This, in most cases, implies somuch ground held of the Emperor. The total sum dividedamong these noble families does not amount to that allowedto a third-rate Daimio. But though several of these noblesare miserably poor, and have probably little to live uponbesides the rice which is given them by the Emperor, there[51]are some among them who have other sources of wealth.In old times the Koongays possessed large landed property;but in the wars of the He kay and Gen kay, Kiomori, theleader of the former, despoiled them, and the divided portionsof these lands were seized by whoever had the power.Some still retain extensive landed property, but the majorityhave fixed salaries, which they receive at the Emperor’shands. Residing near the court, and often connected withthe Emperor and high officers by marriage, the poorest maypossess some influence, and this frequently contributes toswell their incomes. This influence is courted by the Daimiosat a distance, who, aspiring to rank or titles, purchase theassistance and influence of the Koongays, such as it may be,by solid presents. The higher class, who really have muchpower, in this way become very rich. The little land whichbelongs to them may, by taxes, duties, or customs, producemuch more than the exact number of koku of the originalcalculation. Thus the seaport town of Itami stands on theground of Konoyay dono, and he levies a tax upon the exportsand imports; and, in addition to the customs, he receivesthe duties upon all the saki or spirit distilled betweenthe towns of Hiogo and Osaka, and this is the great distillingdistrict for the whole country. Having acquired money, helends it out at Oriental rates of interest to the Daimios, whoare too often in need of ready money, so that he is a verywealthy man. The Koongays have not the large expenseswhich drain the purses of the Daimios; having comparativelyfew retainers, they are not obliged to make the ostentatiousdisplay which brings the Daimios to poverty; norhave they the same number of establishments to keep upat different places. All this contributes to make the upperclass of Koongays, already powerful by rank, position andinfluence, substantial in their independence. The poorerclass eke out their existence in a variety of ways, honorableenough, but not contributing much in the way of worldlywealth. Assukayee teaches playing at “mari,” a sort offootball, which is a fashionable game at court, and which is[52]probably derived from the Chinese shuttlecock, varied accordingto the difference in the style of boots and shoes.In playing at this game in Miako, the court turns out ingorgeous dresses. Jimio-in and others teach writing. Sonodono teaches the science of dwarfing trees and the art ofarranging flowers in flower-holders. At both of these theJapanese excel. In the former they display a wonderfulpower over nature, and in the latter a highly cultivatedtaste. A fir-tree has been seen in perfect vigor, bearinga cone, and eight years old, and only an inch in height.Rayzay teaches poetry and composition. Sijio dono teachesthe art of dressing dinners and cookery, which is consideredin Japan the occupation of a gentleman. When an artisthas prepared a dinner, and laid it out, it is common for thepublic to go to see it as a work of art. Yamashima andTakakura superintend and teach the art of dressing andof etiquette. Tsutchi Mikado teaches and explains whatis known in China as the “Ta kih,” the ultimate cause ofthings, the immaterial principle of the Chinese philosophers,as contained in and exemplified by a series of diagrams; and,as an astrologer, divines into futurity. Others paint, andsell their works of art, or teach painting. The poorer individualswho receive rice also get the Emperor’s cast-off outergarments. Their daughters are in the habit of going to thefamilies of the Daimios as governesses (and are commonlyknown by the name of “jorosama”), to teach the youngladies and gentlemen the customs and language of the court.Of these ladies there are generally one or more at the residenceof the Shiogoon in Yedo. They sometimes act inthe capacity of spies as well as of governesses; and, havingmuch influence, they are sometimes feared as censoresmorum.

Under the five Go sekkay nearly all the Koongays areclassed into five divisions; and in his relation to his head,each Koongay is known as “Monrio” or “Sorio”—one divisionunder each of the five.

If any of those in a position of Monrio have any business[53]with the court, such must be dispatched through his head,who then communicates with the Emperor.

It has been shown that the Sin wo and sons of the imperialfamilies are provided for by absorption into the higheroffices of the priesthood, and to fill the seats in, and receivethe revenues of, the richer abbeys and monasteries. In asimilar way the sons of the Go sekkay and higher Koongays(known as Kindatchi) are provided for. There are six richly-endowedtemples whose revenues are respectively enjoyed bya member of one of these families. These men are knownby the name of “Sekkay Monzekke.”

If a Daimio happens to meet the norimono or sedan-chairof a Koongay upon the highroad, he must wait with all hisretinue till the latter shall have passed. Koongays usuallyblacken their teeth and shave the eyebrows, and do not followthe usual custom in shaving the head. Civilians do notcarry a sword; military carry one called “tatchi.” In ordinarytimes a Koongay is not likely to be put to death, howevergreat may be his crimes; but he may be ordered toshave his head and enter a monastery, or may be confinedto a room in his own house.

It is not easy to ascertain what was the exact position ofthe Koongays in the times before the great civil wars of thethirteenth and following centuries. The empire seems tohave been divided at that time very much as it is now, intoone large central court at the metropolis, with a number ofsmaller courts in the provinces, each ruled by its lord, king,Daimio, or dynasta, as they have been called. The court ofthe Emperor always remained at Miako. There he was surroundedby the members of the old families, among whomhe distributed honors. There was to be seen a supposed prefectform of government, the history of which is written inthe “Annals.” Probably in each of the lesser courts—such,for instance, as that of Satsuma, Mowori, and other wealthylords—the same form of government was carried on in aminiature scale; and, so far as can be gathered from historyand native historical maps, the extensive territories belonging[54]to these lords were always under the entire rule each ofits own master, and acknowledging no right in the centralcourt (so long as that master did not in any way come intocollision with the general good of the empire) to interferein any way with what passed within these territories. Theimperial court, in its executive form, was confined to theprovinces around Miako—the Gokinai. The annals of theEmperors are devoted in the main to the occurrences whichtook place within these provinces, detailing the names andfamilies, the titles, ranks, and history of the men who inthat court were looked upon as great and eminent. Ofthese, the more prominent were brought forward and advancedby the Emperor in hereditary rank and title abovetheir fellows—these were the Koongays; while the territoriallords were only known by their family names, or the nameof the provinces over which they ruled, and were only expectedto come once a year to Miako, in order to pay theirrespects to the Emperor. It is not to be expected but thatdifferences would arise among these territorial lords, somemore or less powerful; ambition and lust of wealth or powerwould soon find a cause for a quarrel, and this would lightup a civil war. In such cases, the Emperor and the officersof the imperial court were looked to as the arbiters or umpires,and acquired and retained so firm a position in themachinery of the State and in the minds of the people as towithstand all the shocks which have at different times sofrequently and rudely put one down and set up another ofthese provincial powers.

[55]

CHAPTER II
THE EIGHT BOARDS OF GOVERNMENT

Having given above a sketch of the ranks eligible in oldtimes to fill the offices of government, a step will be gainedby obtaining some insight into the means by which thatgovernment was carried on. The arrangements are of veryancient date, and seem to have been more or less in actualuse until the separation of the empire into two at the end ofthe sixteenth century. At that time the executive departmentof the empire was entirely removed to Yedo, but theshadow or the skeleton of the defunct body was allowed toremain in Miako. The offices which had of old conferredpower, and demanded exertion in fulfilling the duties, werenow only empty names—honorific appellations; the powerof conferring these nominal offices being all that remainedto the Emperor of his former greatness. Still the retentionof the power has not been without its use. Though theactual power has been in the hands of the Shiogoon, thehopes of the people and of the Emperor have ever turnedtoward its ultimate re-establishment at Miako, in a machineryall ready at any moment to take up the duties of government.

At the period when the government of Japan was settled,many of the institutions of China seem to have been copiedor transferred by the founders of the empire. This musthave occurred at a very early period in its history. Whilethe original model has been followed, modifications havefrom time to time been introduced to meet the varyingexigencies of the country. But perhaps nothing points morestrongly to a Chinese origin for the ruling ranks of Japan[56]than the early adoption of this form of government. As inChina six boards are found at Pekin, so in Japan eight boardsare found at Miako. The names of these boards or departments,the titles of the officials, the ranks of the subordinateofficers, are all found under Chinese names.

Klaproth has given in his “Annals of the Emperors” asketch of these eight boards, with the offices under each. Itis probably taken from the “Shoku gen sho,” a little workwritten in the year 1340 by Kitta Batake Chikafusa, andin use at the present day as a concise account of the governmentof Japan.

The study of such a subject is rather dry and uninteresting,but it is necessary for any one who wishes to make himselfacquainted with Japanese history, either of the past orof the present day, to read and understand this book. Whathere follows is only a rough sketch with a little further fillingin. In what may be called the preface to the “Shoku gensho”—a slight historical introduction—the author says: “Wegather from old records, that in the time of Sui ko (the firstEmpress), in the twelfth year of her reign, A.D. 605, Shotoku, being prime minister, settled twelve grades of officers.Afterward, the Emperor Kwo toku, in the fifth year of hisreign (A.D. 650), divided the country into eight provinces (ordivided the government into eight departments), and definitelyfixed the offices. Subsequently, in the first year of theEmperor Mun moo (A.D. 697), Fusiwara no tan kaiko Kamatariko(canonized as Kassunga dia mio jin) was appointedgreat minister, and by him laws were made and the officersand nobles were appointed. At one time the numbers weregreatly diminished, and again they were increased, and freshofficers, ‘uncommissioned,’ got employment. But the ministers,the ‘Nai dai jin’ and the ‘Chiu nagoon,’ existed beforethe first year of Mun moo. But authentic records ofthat period do not remain in existence at the present time.In old times there was a separate office of religion known asthe ‘Jin ngi kwang’ or ‘Kami no tskasa,’ answering tothe ‘Ta chang sz’ in China. The two officers who superintended[57]the rites in worship of the gods were above allother officers. This was the pristine custom in the kingdomof spirits (Japan), arising from the reverence paid to thegods of heaven and the spirits of earth.

“In the earliest times the Emperor Zinmu establishedthe capital within the bounds of the province of Yamato, atKashiwarra. At that time, in the beginning, Ten shio daishin (the heaven-illuminating spirit) came down and placedthree things—a ball or seal, an eight-cubit mirror, and agrass-shaving sword—in the palace, on the throne of theEmperor, which received homage such as was offered in earlytimes. The efficacy of the spirit was great, so that the Emperordwelling with the spirit was, as it were, equal to agod. Within the palace these three emblems were placed insafety, that it might be said that where these are there isdivine power. At this time two high officers, ‘Ama no koyane no mikoto’ and ‘Ama no tane ko mikoto,’ regulated thesacrificial rites and court ceremonies, until the time of theEmperor Soui-zin (97-30 B.C.), who, fearing the majesty ofthe divinity, took away these three efficacious symbols, thesword and the seal and the mirror, and put them elsewhere(i.e., in a palace he built at Miako); which was the originof the idea of the Emperor’s sitting like a god in the placeof a god.

“In the reign of Swee nin (A.D. 29-70) the great spiritTenshio, or Ten shio dai jin, descended upon the province ofIsse (when the Emperor measured and divided that province),and that Emperor built and endowed the temple or yashiro ofIsse. This is the most sacred temple in the empire.

“At that time the O nakatomi family were hereditaryofficers of religion, and of rites of worship.

“After the officers of state had been appointed, the officersof the Jin ngi kwang, or spiritual department, were settled.Originally the Jin ngi kwang was the highest department ofall. The temple built by the Emperor at Isse had separateofficers of worship, and as to duties, both regulated worship;the offices were similar in their origin and character, but the[58]department of religion was of the highest importance. Therefore,in the kingdom of spirits (i.e., Japan) these officers ofreligion ranked above all other officers. At that time a manof the fourth rank could be an officer of religion, but now itis confined to the second and third ranks. Formerly, anyone was considered capable of filling the office, Nakatomior other; but in the middle ages, since the time of theEmperor Kwa sann, it became hereditary in the family ofhis son, and no other family could fill the office; and it hassince been filled by the members of the royal family.

“Originally the name Nakatomi designated an office.When one of the holders was made Oodai jin, he added O(great) to his title; but his descendants did not use the title,therefore they are simply called Nakatomi.”

Such is the introduction to the “Book of the Governmentof the Empire.” What follows is the names of the differentoffices, and ranks of officers, whether civil or military, statingwhat rank is eligible to hold each office, what offices canbe held in conjunction by the same person, together with theChinese equivalent of each title wherever it can be given.

Every office in Japan is divided into four—a head andthree subordinates. The head is called by various titles,Kio, Kami, Tayu, Daiboo, etc. The highest subordinate iscalled Skay or Ske—in Chinese, Tsu—to assist or help; orKai, to attend upon; also Tso, to assist: all three charactersare used. The next is Jo—Chinese, Shing, to assist—deputy.The clerks are called Sakkan—Chinese, Shuh—attached toas a tail, dependent on. Each of these may be subdividedinto great and small, Dai and Sho; and further, frequentlyinto sa and oo—i.e., left and right. Besides these officialgrades, the title of Gong, or Gonno, is found. This seemsto be an honorific title, and is generally conferred by theEmperor upon Koongays and persons about his own court.It seems to mean honorary substitute or deputy, and is addedor prefixed to another title. This is the word K’ün in Chinese,with the meaning of power, balance, temporary substitute.

[59]With these explanations it may be possible to understandthe titles and descriptions of offices and officers given in theShoku gen sho.

The first or highest office was that of religion, or boardof rites, the Jin ngi kwang (shin k’i kwan), the office of theworship of spirits. This office, at first entirely for regulationof the Sinto religion, was rendered unnecessary by the introductionof Buddhism, and has been practically done awaywith—the higher titles and larger emoluments being absorbedby the younger sons of royal families, while the workingpart of the board has been joined with the highest board,Dai jo gwang.

The Dai jo gwang, or Matsuri koto tskasa, is the greatoffice of government. This is the “cabinet,” and is over andsuperintends the eight boards and the affairs of the wholeempire. The chief of the department is the Dai jo dai jin—thegreat minister of the whole government. He is alsocalled Sho koku. This office is not always filled up. Theholder is in settled times nearly invariably one of the “fivefamilies.” This is the highest office in the state, and wascommenced by the Emperor Ten shi, who conferred it on hisson. When this office is vacant, the next in rank, the Sa daijin (left great minister) is highest official in point of rank.The highest subject generally receives at the Emperor’shands the title of Kwanbakku, first given A.D. 880. TheKwanbakku is always near the Emperor’s person, and notengaged so much as others on public business. If the sovereignbe a minor or a female, a regent is appointed, who isnaturally the most powerful subject in the empire. He isnamed Sessio, or Setz jio, helper of the government. Whensuch a regent is appointed for a young Empress, it is generallyintended that he is to marry her, and become Emperor.The Kwanbakku was, in old times, called Omurazi. He isfrequently spoken of as Denga sama. The Dai jo dai jinis commonly known as Sho koku, the Sa dai jin as Sa foosama, Oo dai jin as Eoo foo sama, Nai dai dai jin as Nai orDai foo sama. There may be only one of the three titles,[60]Dai jio dai jin, Kwanbakku, or Sessio, conferred at a time;but whoever holds it is known to be the highest official, andhe may have all three titles at the same time. The officeof Dai jio dai jin has frequently remained vacant for lengthenedperiods.

In the Dai jio gwang there are four ministers. Dai jinmeans great minister, and the prefix of Sa is left, of Oo isright. In Japan the left generally takes precedence. Andthese four stand in this relation to one another. The firstthree are known as the “Sanko,” or three exalted ones.There is another officer, that of Nai dai jin, inner or middlegreat minister. This office is filled up if there be noDai jio dai jin; but if otherwise it remains in abeyance.

Since 1780 the Shiogoon has generally been elevated tobe Oodai jin or Sadai jin.

The next officer below the Oodai jin is the Dai na goon.There are ten of them. They act with the Sanko in the Daijo gwang office. They seem to be the mouthpieces to andfrom the board, and in consultation with the board. Theyare generally Koongays. But some of the highest Daimiosare competent for the office, Owarri, Kishiu, and Mito.

The Chiu (or middle) na goon—ten officers of much lowerrank than the last—never deliberate with the board, but areconsulted after or before. They are generally Koongays.

The Sangi (Ts’an i), also called Sei sho and Gisso (I tsau),is a very important office—eight officers. They are of highrank (above the last), and are chosen for their talent for theoffice. This seems to be to report upon the proceedings andconclusions of the other officers of the board; to watch andalso advise, and sometimes to act as judges. They are bothcivil and military. If a man has shown himself qualifiedfor this office he may rise to it, though not originally of highrank.

The Sho (or lesser) nagoon are much below the aboveofficers in rank. They are said to help the memories of theprincipal officers, to put seals to deeds, and carry communicationsto other boards: they are both military and civil.

[61]Gayki or Kwanmu—five officers who act as secretaries toone of the three officers of the Dai jo ngwang. Divided intogreat and small, Dai and Sho, gayki; the head man is calledKioo ku mu. The duties consist in writing out the patentsand titles conferred by the Mikado. In cases of dispute betweenhigh officers, they seem to write out a statement of thecase on both sides for the decision of the board. They lookafter any newly-introduced business, such as introduction offoreigners to the country.

Ben-gwang, seven officers, all Koongay—a higher officethan the preceding. Two head men, left and right, Sa andOo dai ben. This is a very responsible office; all the businessof the board passes through the hands of the officers.They superintend and set apart to each of the minor officestheir business.

Sa chiu ben and Oo chiu ben, two men.

Sa sho ben and Oo sho ben, two men.

These are subordinates in the office, but men of rank.

Gonno ben. This is an honorific title, giving high rank,but having no business or duties to perform.

The Ben-gwang officers are always in their handsomeofficial dress, and are at once recognizable on the street.

Shi, eight men. Their business is to act as bookkeepersor registrars of the transactions of the board; they takecharge of the books, and are referred to for information ofpast transactions.

Sa and Oo dai shi, four men.

Si sho, twenty men, attendants of the three high officers.

Kwa jo, four men, attendants of the Ben-gwang. Thoughlow, the office is an important one.

HATCH SHIO, THE EIGHT BOARDS

The eight boards under the Dai jo gwang are:

1. Nakatskasa no sho. 5. Hio bu sho (Ch., Ping po).
2. Siki bu sho (Ch., Li po). 6. Gio bu sho (Ch., Ying po).
3. Ji bu sho (Ch., Li po). 7. Okura no sho (Ch., Ta fu sz).
4. Min bu sho (Ch., U po). 8. Koo nai sho (Ch., Kung po).

[62]I. Nakatskasa no sho, or Naka no matsuri koto surutskasa (equivalent office in China, Chang shu shang).—TheBoard of the Interior Government, superintends the palaceand the affairs of the Emperor, and regulates the imperialhousehold.

The head man, Nakatskasa no kio, is always of very highrank—generally a son of the Emperor, or of one of the royalfamilies.

Nakatskasa no ta yu, chamberlain of the household.

Nakatskasa no gonno tayu is always a Mayka no tenjiobito koongay.

Nakatskasa no shoyu.

Nakatskasa no gonno shoyu.

Nakatskasa no dai and sho jio, subordinates of the above.

Nakatskasa no dai and sho sakkan, secretaries.

Dji jiu, eight men of high rank.

Wo do neri, ninety men of low rank; clean rooms, etc.

Neiki, writers to the Emperor’s dictation, or for his perusalon government business; correspond about conferring rank,and write out documents connected with this. They arealways able men, and any man may rise to fill this officeif he shows talent.

Dai neiki, one man; sho neiki, two men; the latter subordinatesand successors of the former.

Kemmootz, Dai and Sho, two men.

These are the reporters or spies (ometskys) upon the officersof the whole board—literally, lookers into things (kien wuh).

Sho den, one man of low rank to superintend the servantsand to see that rooms are cleaned, etc.

Kangee no tskasa, keepers of the keys, now done awaywith.

Included under this department are the establishments ofthe Emperor’s grandmother, mother, and wife. These arecalled the Shi ngoo—four offices.

The office of the Emperor’s grandmother is Tai kwo taikowu goo siki, the great Emperor’s great Empress’s office.

That of the mother, Kwo tai kowu goo siki.

[63]That of the wife having a child, Kwo tai kowu goo siki.

That of the wife before she has a child, Chiu ngoo siki.

The ladies rank as Dai nagoon.

Under the Nakatskasa no shio there are several minorhoards or rio.

O do neri no rio.—In this office there were formerly 800men about the court, as messengers, servants, etc.

Odoneri no kami, Ske, etc.

Dsu sho rio, surveying office for plans of houses, maps oftowns, country, harbors, seas, etc.

Dsu sho no kami, Ske, etc.

Koora rio, storehouse officer, has charge of the valuablesbelonging to the palace—a responsible office.

Officers—Koora no kami, K. no gonno kami, K. noske, etc.

Noo ee rio superintends the making of the clothes andsewing generally of the palace.

Noo ee no kami, N. no ske, N. no gonno ske, etc.

Ong yo rio (literally, clear obscure office), departmentof astrology—composer of the almanac—observers of theheavens.

Ong yo no kami, O. no ske, etc. Ong yo no haka se andGonno haka se, teacher of astrology.

Rayki haka se, composer of the almanac and teacher.

Ten mong haka se, astronomer-royal.

Ro koku haka se, keeper of time by the clepsydra; teacherof time-keeping.

Taku mi rio, office of the carpenters, woodworkers. Takumi no kami, etc.

Palaces, temples, houses and bridges in Japan being, forfear of earthquakes, nearly entirely built of wood, the tradeof carpenter rises to a science, and, including architectureand engineering, is a business or profession which is held inhigh respect.

In the official list mention is not made of the head manof the tanner class, or that which deals in skins of deadanimals, which occupation is an abomination to the pure[64]Buddhist. The name of the class is Yayta. They live inYayta mura or village of skinners, often called Yakuninmura. The head man is Kobowozi. His duty is to go everyday to the palace and clear away all dead animals—rats,mice, birds. He wears two swords and is generally handsomelydressed. The class belongs to the Ikkoshiu sect ofBuddhists. Some of the men following this trade are veryrich. Teikoya in Osaka and Siroyama in Yedo are bothwealthy. The head skinner of the “eight provinces,” Danzayay mong, claims to be descended from Yoritomo. He alsois reputed to be very wealthy, exercising great power overhis own trade, which is governed by its own laws. Livingin a fine house near the Yosiwara in Yedo, he is a despoticruler, and can punish with death those under him. His privatechapel or Bootzu dang is said to be the finest in Yedo.

II. Siki bu shio (Chinese, Shik po shang; Chinese equivalentoffice, Li po), the Board of Civil Office. Has legislativefunctions, and under this board is the department of publicinstruction and the college. The head man of the board isthe Siki bu kio. He is generally a Sinwo, or a member ofthe imperial family. If the Kio be an able, energetic man,his position enables him to obtain great power, and he maybecome the first man in the empire. Formerly, men knownby the name Si sho were sent by the board to all the provincesto report on the government of each. They werechanged every four years, but the custom has becomeobsolete.

Siki bu no Tayu.

Siki bu no Gonno Tayu, both men of high rank, whopractically carry on the business of the board.

Siki bu no Sho yu and Gonno sho yu, etc.

Under this board is the Dai gaku rio (Ch. equivalent,Kwoh tsz kien), office of instruction or education. The headman is Dai gaku no kami. This office is divided into foursub-classes, which have to do with the instruction conveyedin books and literature to the people.

1. Ray ki shi, history, including the history of China and[65]Japan and a little of India and Ceylon, as Buddhist countries.

2. Migio, religion—originally Sinto religion only.

3. Mio bo, laws and jurisprudence.

4. Santo, mathematics, arithmetic.

These are called the four paths, Shi do.

Besides these officers there are teachers or professorsnamed Haka se (pok sz).

1. Munjo haka se, two men; teachers of history, otherwisecalled Shiu sai.

2. Mio gio haka se, teacher of religion and the works ofConfucius.

Jokio, two men. Chokko ko, two men.
On no haka se, two men, teachers of music.
Sho haka se, two men, teachers of writing.

3. Mio bo haka se, two men, professors of jurisprudence.

4. Sang no haka se-teachers of mathematics, arithmetic—twomen. Is always in two families, Mio shi and Otsungi. The former teaches arithmetic and the abacus; thelatter teaches the science of taxation.

III. Ji bu shio (Chinese office, Lai po). This board dealswith the forms of society, manners, etiquette, worship, ceremoniesfor the living and the dead, etc.

Ji bu kio, the head officer of the board, of very high rank.

Ji bu no tayu, two men; Ji bu no gonno tayu, two men, etc.

Oota rio (Ch., Ya yoh), a department of the board—superintendsmusic and poetry in all its branches.

Oota no kami, etc.

Gengba rio is another department, called also O shi marowo dono: takes charge of embassies from outer countries—Corea,China, and India; looks after Buddhism. All businessconnected with foreign countries comes within the scopeof this office.

Genba no kami, head officer, Ske, etc.

Misasaki rio, an officer to look after the tombs of theEmperors.

Misasaki no kami is head officer.

[66]IV. Min bu sho (Chinese, Min po shang)—Chin. office,Upo, board of population and revenue. Tame no tskasa,board of the population—states, provinces, land, houses, census.In this office is kept a book or register for the registrationof all deeds connected with land and landed property,surveys, and statistics of the empire. The book is called“Min bu shio no dzu sho.”

Min bu kio, head officer, of high rank.

Min bu no Tayu.[2] M. Gonno Tayu.

Min bu no sho, etc.

Kadzuye rio, the office for taxes paid in money. Officers—Kami,Ske, jo, and sakkan.

San shi, office for money taken in country places only.

Chikara rio, somewhat similar to the above; taxes paidin kind, rice, etc. The office is now merged in the Kadzuyerio.

V. Hio bu sho (Chinese office, Ping po), Board of War—war-office.This is the most important department.

Hio bu kioh the head officer, is sometimes of the imperialblood.

Hio bu no tayu. H. no Gonno tayu, sho, etc.

Hyato no tskasa, seems to be a sort of police in case ofwar. Hyato no kami, ske, and sakkan.

VI. Gio bu shio (Chinese office, Ying po), board of punishments.The name is changed to Ke be ishi, which includesthe criminal courts, with the machinery necessary totheir working, but the titles remain.

Gio bu Kioh, head of the office.

Gio bu Tayu, Gonno tayu, sho, etc.

Dai ban ji, the first judge.

This officer is the judge of civil and criminal cases. Thereare no barristers or advocates used in the law courts of Japan.Each man states his own case.

Shiu goku ji—prison department.

[67]Shiu goku no kami, ske, etc.

As this title is supposed to convey some disgrace with it,no one considers it an honor, and therefore it is generallycombined with some other.

VII. Okura no shio (Chinese office, Tafu sz), officer overthe imperial storehouses and granaries.

O kura kio is an officer of high rank.

O kura no tayu, O kura no Gonno tayu, etc.

Ori be no tskasa, weavers of the imperial silks.

Ori be no kami, etc.

VIII. Koo nai shio, the board of the interior of the palace;was formerly a department of the Naka tskasa shio.Superintends the furniture, food, pathways, etc.

Koo nai kio, first officer, of high rank.

Koo nai no tayu, and Gonno tayu.

Koo nai no sho and Gonno sho, all of high rank.

Koo no dai jo and sho jo, etc.

Dai zen siki, purveyor to the Emperor’s guests.

Dai zen no daibu, first officer. The Prince of Nagato,Matzdaira Daizen no daibu, holds this office.

Dai zen no Gonno daibu, of high rank.

Dai zen no ske and Gonno ske.

This was formerly the highest ske at court.

Mokoo rio, officer of carpentry and woodwork about thepalace.

Mokoo no kami, high rank.

Mokoo no Gonno kami, etc.

San shi, bookkeepers.

Oee rio, purveyor of food for the gods of the palace.

Oee no kami, one man. This is said to be a lucrativeoffice; probably much is provided and little consumed.

Oee no ske and Gonno ske, etc.

Tonomo rio, department for superintending the cleaningof the palace.

T. no kami, etc.

Ten yaku rio—medical department—two apothecaries,medical attendants upon the Emperor, etc.

[68]Ten yaku no kami, etc.

Ee no haka se, teachers of medicine.

Nio yee haka se, teachers of diseases of women.

Shin no haka se, teachers of acupuncture.

Jee yee, one man—Emperor’s personal medical attendant.

Ee shi, similar, but of lower rank.

Kammon rio (Ch., Si sau shü), scavenger department inthe palace.

Kammon no kami—the Daimio Ee holds this title. In1859 this Daimio was regent under the Shiogoon’s government,and was assassinated in the streets of Yedo.

Kammon no ske, etc.

O Kimi tskasa, chamberlains to the Sinwo or royalfamilies.

O Kimi no kami is hereditary in the family of Owo.

Nai zen shi, purveyor of provisions for the imperialhousehold.

Nei zen no kami, obsolete.

Bu zen no kami fills the office above.

Ten zen, of low rank.

Miki tskasa, office for presenting wine to the gods in thepalace. Upon every household altar in Japan is seen a smallbottle of wine.

Miki no kami, etc.

Ooneme tskasa, overseer of the female officers of thepalace, O. no kami and O. no sakkan.

Mondo no tskasa, superintends the water supplied to thepalace, M. no kami, M. no sakkan.

These (the Ooneme and the Mondo) are the two lowestoffices in the eight boards. In the offices about the court thesubordinate officers under the rank of kami are known bythe general name of Shi kwang.

The second part of the Shoku gen sho relates to the Bookang, executive and military departments.

Dan jo dai (Ch., Yu shi t’ai), was formerly at Miako, isnow at Yedo. The Kebe ishi at Miako seems to be whatremains of the office at that place. The office has very great[69]power, acting apparently as police of the empire, the businessbeing to arrest criminals of all descriptions. The officeis within the inclosure of the castle at Yedo.

The head officer is the Dan jo in. He is of very highrank—sometimes of one of the royal families, or one of thethree highest ministers.

The second is Dan jo no dai hitz; below him, D. shohitz, etc.

Sa kio siki, office of the left half of Miako.

Sa kio no daibu, mayor or governor of high rank—nowhas but little power, as the business is transferred to theKebe ishi office.

Under the Sa kio siki is To itchi tskasa, superintendentof the east market.

To itchi no Kami.

Oo kio siki, office of the right half of Miako; similar tothe above. Oo kio no kami, and the office of Sei itchi tskasa,superintendent of the west market.

To ngoo, office of the heir-apparent, son of Emperor.

To ngoo no fu, head of the office.

To ngoo no yaku shi, two men, teachers of the prince—arealways either Munjo haka se, or Mio gio haka se, andof the families of Sungawara or Owe. To ngoo no bo keepsthe prince’s accounts. To ngoo no daibu is always Dai jodai jin, or Kwanbakku, or son of one of the highest ministers.

To ngoo no gonno daibu, etc.

Shuzen Kang, purveyor for the prince. He is alwaysNei zen no kami to the Emperor.

To no mo sho, keeper of the chambers of the prince.

To ngoo no shunen sho, keeper of the horses of the prince.

Isse no sei goo rio, or Sei ki no mia no tskasa. This wasan old office in connection with the Emperor’s daughters,who officiated as priestesses at Isse. It is now obsolete. Inthe year 5 B.C. the Emperor Sei Nin established his daughterat Isse as priestess of the temple he had built in honorof Ten shio dai jin. He gave her the title of Seigoo orSai koo.

[70]Shun siki (Ch., siu li chih), carpenters of the Buddhisttemples.

Shuri no daibu. This office is filled by the Daimio ofSatsuma, “Shimadzu shuri no daibu.”

Sh. no gonno daibu, etc.

Kangay yushi. This seems to be a military board of deliberation.Kangay yu no cho gwang of high rank.

Kangay yu no ji kwang, one man of high rank, generallya Ben gwang. This is a very high office; the officers arealways known from their fine dress.

K. no hang gwang, military secretaries in the office.

Shuzen shi, the Mint.

The Mint is not now at Miako, but at Yedo, where theShiogoon’s officers keep it in their own hands.

Shuri goo jo shi, superintendent of Sintoo temples ormias. Head officer is always a Ben gwang.

Dzo ji shi, superintendents of Buddhist temples.

Bo wo ngashi, military man, superintends the banks ofthe Kamongawa, a river at Miako. Is at the same time Tayee no ske.

Se yaku in, doctors for the poor in Miako.

Ke bi ishi, Police and Executive. The Kangay yu no cho,the Gio bu shio, and the Kebi ishi, are now merged in onedepartment, to which all the Kokushiu Daimios, the Dai jogwang, Giobushio, the Ometski, and city governors belong,and is very important.

The head officer is Kebi ishi no bettowo, a military manof higher rank than the Sanghi. There is a saying that aKebi ishi no bettowo should have seven virtues. Theseseven virtues, the book remarks, it is very difficult to findin one man. K. no bettowo is one of the men with mostpower over the natives in the empire.

K. no ske, two men. They are commonly known as Tayee no ske, and every one in Miako can recognize them atonce by their dress.

Then follow the titles of men as heads of some of thelarge families or clans of Japan.

[71]Fusi wara ooji no choja (chang shang), the head of theclan Fusiwara. By men of this clan all high civil officesare filled. The offices of Sessio and Kwanbakku are filledby members of this family. When the country is torn bycivil war, then he who gets the power may take the title, asin the case of Taiko sma and his son.

Genji no Choja, the head of the family of Gen. Gen andMinnamoto are the same name (Ch., un, a spring of water).It is supposed to be pre-eminently military, and havinggained the upper hand in the long civil wars with the Hefamily, it has advanced in honor, especially under the presentdynasty of Shiogoons, who call themselves Minnamoto.

The Shiogoon is Minnamoto no choja, and as holding thistitle he now is also Shiungaku in no bettowo, or principalof the college of Shiungaku in, formerly in Miako, now inYedo. He is also head of the college Joone wa in.

Then follow some of the officers more immediately aboutthe Emperor’s person.

Nai keoo bo no bettowo, office of music for the ladies,generally held by a man of high rank, with some knowledgeof music.

Nai zen no bettowo, examiner or presenter of the Emperor’sfood, of high rank.

Mi dzu shi dokoro no bettowo, superintendent of thekitchen in the palace, is always Kura no kami.

O oota dokoro no bettowo, superintendent of singingand poetry, an officer of very high rank, sometimes one ofthe royal family.

Ki roku dokoro no bettowo. Every day there meet inthe Emperor’s study, or Ki roku, this officer, who is ofKoongio rank, one of the Ben gwang, one Kaiko, and oneYori oodo, who come to write for the Emperor.

Kaku sho no bettowo, superintendent of a certain kindof music (Yoh).

Kuro wu do or Kurodo dokoro, an important departmentin the palace. The Emperor Saga, A.D. 810, commencedthe office. The officers seem to be noble attendants[72]on the Emperor’s person, and to appear about himwhen in public.

Kurodo no Bettowo is an office held by one of the highestministers—Kwanbakku or Sadaijin.

Kurodo no To (or Tono kurodo dokoro), two officers, oneBen gwang, one military.

Go-i (fifth rank) kuro do dokoro, three officers, civilians,always rise from this to higher rank: first, to Hatch shio noske, then to Kangay yu no jikang, to Kebe ishi no ske, toTono Kurodo, and to Sanghi. Therefore this place is soughtafter by the Kindatchi (sons of Go sekkay), as it brings themprominently forward; but it is an office requiring great energyand exactness, and mistakes are apt to bring the officer intotrouble. The dress of the K. no To is somewhat similar incolor to the Emperor’s.

Roko-i (sixth rank) no kurodo, four officers. Must besons of Shodaibu (fifth rank); must be able and of goodcourage, and steady men. The first officer gets as his perquisitethe kikuji no ho, the used outer clothes of the Emperor,of yellow and green colors mixed. One of the lowerofficers gets the inner white silk dress, which is changedevery day. The Emperor never wears linen or cotton.

Hi kurodo, many, all of low rank, and are the men-servantsof the palace.

Ko do neri, lower servants.

Dzo siki, military officers, young men, guards of thekurodo.

Tokoro no shiu, attendants.

Take ngootchi, private soldiers.

Then follows another short historical notice of the Shokoku, all the provinces of Japan, to the effect that formerlyall Japan belonged to the Emperor Zin mu, who was, beforebecoming Emperor, a (kami yoh) god. He came fromMiazaki in Fiuga, and at the time Japan was wild and barbarous.He fought his way to Yamato, and made his capitalKashiwara.

At the time of the tenth Emperor, Shiu jin, Kashiwara[73]existed. He sent embassies to all the separate princes ofJapan. He appointed four generals of the north, south, eastand west, Si dono shiogoon, and, war ensuing, he conqueredall Japan.

Emperor Say mu, A.D. 150, the thirteenth after Zin mu,appointed rulers over the country. These were then called“Kooni no miatsko,” and he subsequently divided the empireinto provinces. These lords were afterward called “Kokushiu,” and again were known as “Kami to you.”

The provinces were divided into—

Gay koku, inferior provinces.
Dai koku, large provinces.
Jo koku, superior provinces.
Chiu koku, central provinces.
Ki nai koku, the five provinces round Miako.

To each of these there were appointed officers—kami, jo,ske, and sakkan.

The provinces were classed together as To kai do (easternsea-road), fifteen provinces—1, Iga; 2, Isse; 3, Sima; 4,Owarri; 5, Mikawa; 6, Tootomi; 7, Suruga; 8, Idzu; 9,Kahi; 10, Segami; 11, Musasi; 12, Awa; 13, Kadsusa; 14,Simosa; 15, Hitatsi.

To sando (eastern Highland), eight provinces—1, Oomi;2, Mino; 3, Hida; 4, Sinano; 5, Kowodsuki; 6, Simodsuki;7, Mootz; 8, Dewa.

Dewa and Mootz are large outlying provinces, and oneKami is not sufficient, therefore another office is establishedthere, “Azetshi no foo.” Originally Mootz and Dewa wereone. About A.D. 713, in the time of the Empress Gen mei,Mootz was divided; and the Empress Gen Sio, who succeeded,created the office of Azetshi shi; and the EmperorSio mu added Chinji foo and Fooku shio goong, and Goonking and Goon so. Azetshi shi is the chief officer of Mootz,and is of high rank.

Azetshi shi no keji, his secretary.

Chin ji foo is another officer in these provinces, of whichthe head officer is named Chin no shiogoong. The Diamio[74]known as “Sendai” is the head man of these provinces, and,as Kami of Mootz, is known also as Fooku shiogoong.

In these provinces are the two officers Akita no jo andSke. The Emperor Sio mu built a fortress at Akita, andappointed an officer in charge. Dewa no ske and Akita noske are different titles of the same officer.

Hoku roku do, north-country provinces route. Sevenprovinces—1, Wakasa; 2, Etsizen; 3, Kanga; 4, Noto; 5,Etjiu; 6, Etsingo; 7, Sado.

San in do. The back or north Highland route. Eightprovinces—1, Tamba; 2, Tango; 3, Tajima; 4, Inaba; 5,Hoki; 6, Idzumo; 7, Iwami; 8, Oki.

San yo do. The fore or south Highland route. Eightprovinces—1, Harima; 2, Mimmesaka; 3, Bizen; 4, Bitsjiu;5, Bingo; 6, Aki; 7, Suwo; 8, Nagato.

Nankai do. Southern sea route. Six provinces—1, Kii;2, Awadsi; 3, Awa; 4, Sanuki; 5, Iyo; 6, Tosa.

Sei kai do. Western sea route in Kiusiu. Eleven provinces—1,Tsikuzen; 2, Tsikugo; 3, Hizen; 4, Higo; 5, Buzen;6, Bungo; 7, Fiuga; 8, Osumi; 9, Satsuma; 10, Iki; 11,Tsusima.

The Emperor Siomu created an office in the island ofKiusiu, Da zai fu, but it is now done away with. All thelords of that island were formerly required to come to Miakoonce every four years.

Military department. The imperial guards are called Shoye (Ch., Chu wei,) “all keep.”

Sa kon ye fu, and Oo k., office of the left and rightguards. A military office is Jing, or Goong, or Oo rin goong,or Ye fu no jing.

Tai sho, generally commander-in-chief of the army, issometimes called Shiogoon and Baku foo, is always of thehighest rank, his office making him of equal rank with theSadaijin.

Besides the Tai sho there are two officers, the Sa and Oodaisho; sometimes called Sakonye no taisho. The Sadaishois the superior officer.

[75]Chiujo, lieutenant-generals of the guards, four, or attimes six, officers.

Sa kon ye no Chiujo and Oo kon ye, men of high rank.

Shojo (small general), major-general. Of these there areeight or ten. Are also of high rank, especially if appointedwhile young.

Shogeng. Military officers of inferior rank to the above.

Shoso. Secretaries; adjutants.

Banjiu. Also called Konye no to neri—servants. Allthe officers above are near the Emperor as guards.

Gay ye. Outer guards.

The office is Sa (and Oo) ye mon no foo. The EmperorSanga changed the name from Ye ji no foo.

Sa ye mon no Kami.

Sa ye mon no ske, etc.

So (or Oo) hio ye no foo is another office.

Sa (or Oo) hio ye no Kami is head officer of high rank.This officer is frequently mentioned by the Jesuits.

Sa hio ye no ske.

Oo hio ye no ske, etc.

Soma rio or Sa-oo ma rio. The office of right or leftsuperintendent of the cavalry.

Sa ma no Kami; Oo ma no Kami. Both of high rank.

Sa ma no gonno Kami; Oo ma no gonno Kami.

Ske and Gonno Ske. These take rank above all other ske.

Sa and Oo ma no dai jo and shojo. This is the first rankattained by a commissioned officer in the army.

Hio ngo rio. Ordnance storehouse.

Hio no Kami. One officer.

Gay boo no Kwang. The outer military department.The army in distinction from the guards.

The annals of the army are very ancient. In Tenshiodai jin’s time, the title of the commander-in-chief was Fudzu nushino kami, known by his posthumous honors and titleas Kashima Mio jin in Hitatsi province. The title of Shiogoon(tsiang kiun) was first used by the Emperor Shiu jin50 B.C. In the Emperor Kei ko’s time, his son, Yamato[76]taki no mikoto, was dai shiogoon, and there were two others,Sa and Oo shiogoon. This Yamato overran all Japan andthe island of Yezo, also the three countries of Sinra, Corea,and Haxai or Hiakusai, provinces of what is now known asCorea, and put into them Japanese offices and officers; andafter that commenced Goonfoo or military offices, or, inshort, a standing army.

Chinjiu foo. Office for northern provinces. C. no Shiogoon,an officer who is general and commander-in-chief inthe provinces of Mootz and Dewa. Mootz no Kami (Sendai)is generally the hereditary Shiogoon of these provinces. Heis bound to keep, in the two provinces, an army of 5,000 men.

Chinji foo no fooku shiogoon is an officer called out onlyduring war.

Chinji foo no goon kan, etc.

Se i dai Shiogoon (Ch., Tsing i ta tsiang kiun), tranquilizerof barbarians; great army general. Yamato take nomikoto was the first called Tai shiogoon. Se i was a title firstgiven to Bunya no wata maro for bringing all the wild northernpart of Japan under rule. This is the officer known toforeigners as Tycoon.

See i shi. The office of the tranquilizer of barbarians.

Sei fu is one name by which the Shiogoon’s castle in Yedois known. This title—and it is now only a title—has for longbeen in the Minnamoto family. Yoritomo was Sei Shiogoon(not Kubosama, as Kæmpfer says).

Sinwo. Imperial families; previously explained.

Koongio. This class includes all of the first three ranks,and Sanghi, though of fourth rank. Only three men havebeen of the first rank and first class while alive, Tatchibannamoroye, A.D. 749; Fusiwara no Oshikatz, 762, a great tyrant;and Nangatte, so bad a man that the book will not say whenhe lived, A.D. 770, 780. These three men all lived and roseto power one after the other during the reign of Koken theEmpress. This woman is notorious in Japanese history forher outrage of morality in her conduct with Dokio, a priest.She seems to have shown talent and capacity in her public[77]position, and reascended the throne as Shio toku after oneabdication.

Daijodaijin, Kwanbakku, Sessio, Sa and Oo daijin, previouslyexplained.

Sho shin, all beneath the third rank, including Tenjio bitoand Jeengay, being so called, includes some Koongays andall the Daimios.

Kindatchi, sons of the Gosekkay.

Sho dai bu, officers of the fifth rank and below.

Samurai are all military men and civilians who are independentof trade or farming.

The Emperor’s wife has the title of Ko-ngoo.

The Emperor’s widow has the title of Nioying.

The Emperor’s daughter has the title of Nei shin wo.

The female attendants are called Jo wo ro.

The female inferiors are called Ko jowo ro and Chiu ro.

The female lowest class are called Gay ro.

Then follow the titles of Buddhist officials in temples,such as—1, Dai so jo, equal in rank to Shanghi; 2, Ho yin;3, Ho-moo; 4, Sowodz and Gonno Sowodz; 5, Ho-ngong;6, Ris shi.

There are different titles of inferior orders of priests whohave to do with ritual, worship, funerals, etc.

The above gives an imperfect sketch of the offices, withthe titles, ranks, and degrees, of the officers connected withthe government of Japan. Such information is at the bestuninteresting; but when it is conveyed in names which haveno meaning, it becomes, without some practical acquaintancewith the country, as difficult as it is useless to attempt tomaster the subject. But to one living in the country thisknowledge is indispensable, and even for reading the lettersof the old Jesuits, who seem to have been thoroughly acquaintedwith the names in common use by the people, somesuch information is very needful. Thus we find, amongmany others, they speak of Toronosqui as Cauzuye dono,and of Don Austin as Chikara dono, titles which are rendered[78]in the above list as Kadznyay no Kami and Chikarano Kami. These titles, as has been said, are in use at thepresent day, but they refer more to the old form of governmentof Miako, which has been supplanted by the morerecent imitation of it at Yedo. The latter having retainedthe whole executive in its hands, the mere form has been leftto Miako. Now, when the country has begun to have relationswith foreign countries, the difficulty of the double governmentis hanging over the rulers, who have not yet seenthat one must be swept away as a thing no longer required.The two parts of the double government come into collisionin presence of third powers. The Government of Yedo isstill to be explained, and the reader will then be able to seehow far the opposing interests of the two capitals throwdifficulties in the way of smooth progress.

CHAPTER III
HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE TO THE DEATH OF NOBU NANGA

The period of the history of Japan which has most interestto a European is that during which intercourse was carriedon with Europe. But, independently of this new andinteresting element introduced into the country, this is, evento a Japanese, the period of the history of his country whichhas most interest. It was the termination of a long successionof bloody civil wars, during which the whole empire wasdeluged with blood, lasting long enough to make the countrya desert, the inhabitants savages, when agriculture was totallyneglected, and the knowledge of letters nearly forgotten.Family ties were broken; young men were all soldiers; youngwomen were common property. The Japanese may welllook upon the man raised up, and who proved himself ableto put an end to such a state of things, as a hero, and think[79]his family worthy of the highest honors. To reduce orderout of chaos, to insure his country 250 years of peace, duringwhich time every one has been able to sit under his own vine,and to rear his family in happiness, and gather in the fruitsof his labor in peace, may well rank Iyeyas as among theillustrious of men.

It is necessary, in order to understand the working of thegovernment as it exists at present, to have some knowledgeof the events which preceded and gradually led up to theperiod when this change began.

In the works of Klaproth and Kæmpfer will be foundnotes of the earlier historical events occurring in Japan.What follows here is derived from these and other sources,and is an attempt to notice some of the more prominent importantevents, and to give some interest to the subject bybringing it down to the present time. It is unnecessary insuch a sketch to go back to the time of remote antiquity,or to try to get glimmerings of light out of fables, such asthe different generations of heavenly and earthly emperors.To notice shortly the more prominent characters and eventsmay be deemed sufficient.

Among the first of these prominent characters was YamatoDaki no Mikoto, prince of warriors, commander-in-chief, andof the imperial family. He is supposed to have lived duringthe second century. He overran the eastern and northernparts of Japan as far as the island of Yezo. A story is toldof his wife having thrown herself into the sea to appease astorm, and from his lamentations over her, as Atsuma orAdzuma, the eastern provinces are spoken of as Adzuma,now sometimes applied to the east generally, and more speciallyto the inhabitants, who are spoken of as Adzuma Yebis,or “boors of the east,” by way of contempt.

Another of these early events in the history of Japan,which bears an interest even to the present day, is the invasionand conquest of the southern part of Corea by the EmpressJingu kogu, known by her husband’s name as Chiu aitenwo, in the third century. The Emperor, her husband,[80]was the son of the above-mentioned Yamato. She accompaniedhim to the island of Kiusiu, whither he went to putdown a rebellion among some tributary states; but beforethe operation was accomplished he died, and she assumedthe reins of power. Her prime minister was an old man,Take ootsi no Sukonne. After raising troops, and collectingships to transport them across the sea, she found herself pregnant,but she was fortunate enough to find a stone which delayedher accouchement till her return to Japan. Havingsubdued the three countries of Sinra, Korai, and Hakusai, andcompelled them to give up their treasures and to promiseto pay annual tribute to Japan, she returned to bury her deceasedhusband, and was soon after delivered of a son, whowas afterward the Emperor Osin, known better by his posthumoustitle of Hatchimang. Two older sons of her husbandby a concubine, asserting their rights of primogeniture,and probably doubting the virtues of the stone, raised anarmy to oppose the Empress. Take ootsi was sent to defendher rights, and he put them to flight.

There is no incident more frequently taken for a subjectby painters in Japan than the Empress Jingu and her infantin the arms of the aged Take ootsi. She is worshiped underthe name of Kashi no dai mio jin; but though her victoriesthrew more luster over the arms of Japan, in foreign warfare,than any previous reign, or, it may be added, any subsequentone, she does not seem to rank so high in the estimationof her subjects, or in the company of the gods, as herson. During his reign, Wonin—descended from one of theEmperors of China of the Han dynasty—is said to have introducedfor the first time Chinese letters from Corea. Histomb stands in the neighborhood of Osaka, and divine honorshave been accorded to him. As has been remarked, it maybe doubted how far the Japanese, with their previous useof Chinese titles and names of gods, officers and men, couldhave been ignorant up to this time of the art of writing. Tothe Emperor Osin, though unborn, appears to have beengiven the credit of the conquest of Corea. After his death,[81]in A.D. 313, divine honors were paid to him. He was styledand worshiped as the god of war, and under the title Hatchimang-daiBosats he is represented as an incarnation of theBuddha of the eight banners. The largest temples havebeen raised in his honor, and every village, almost everyhill, has its Hatchimang goo or shrine in honor of Hatchimang,the god of war.

The introduction of Buddhism was the next event of importancein the history of Japan. This is said to have takenplace toward the middle of the sixth century. But it maybe presumed, when the Emperor receives the posthumoushonor of a Bosat, or Bodhisattwa, in the fourth century,either that the title was given long after his decease, or thatthe religion was beginning to be introduced at an earlierepoch. In all probability Wonin, who had access to the imperialfamily, and must have had great influence, had sownthe seeds of the new doctrine, and had given the title to hispatron. These seeds may not have borne fruit for 200 years;but considering the communication in past times with China,it is difficult to conceive total ignorance of these doctrines. ToCorea, therefore, Japan was again indebted for a religion. Inthe year 552, during the reign of the Emperor Kin mei, theKing of Hakkusai, a district of Corea, sent an embassy witha present of an image of Buddha Sakya mooni, with Buddhistbooks, to the Emperor. The priests of the old Sintoreligion were roused, but the new made its way. The Sintoreligion seems to be all prayers, without any idea of a beingto whom to pray beyond white paper, or a mirror, as an emblemof purity. The Buddhist religion supplied this, andpresented what is required by many minds, the idea of apure life through self-denial—self-denial giving a man powerover himself, and enabling him to be the servant or the masteras his church may require. During the succeeding reign,In consequence of an epidemic, some persecution of the newdoctrines was attempted; but Moumaya do no wosi, son ofthe Emperor, being a convert, was very zealous in the propagationof the faith; while Nakatomi, then in power, and of[82]the family who superintended the Sinto rites, opposed him.But the son of the Emperor (known by his Buddhist nameZiou go taisi, or Sho to ku tai si) prevailed. He was appointedregent during the reign of the Empress Sui ko. Hewas a very gentle character, strictly acting up to the injunctionsof the new faith. At his death, in the beginning of theseventh century, there were, according to the Annales, 46Buddhist temples, 816 priests, and 569 “religieuses” in theempire.

The introduction of Buddhism through China and Coreabrought with it, as might have been expected, some of thecustoms of these countries. The use of the Nengo (Nienhau; i.e., year name) for marking events and dates was oneof the customs introduced in the year 646 A.D. A womanruling as Empress was another of the changes, and was probablyused as a means for the consolidation of the new religion.Under the Empress Sui ko the degrees of rank amongthe officers of government, similar to those used in China,were introduced about 604 A.D. Six ranks, of two gradeseach, were settled in place of the nine ranks, of two gradeseach, as in China. These were distinguished, as in China,by their head-dress, and by the color of the dress. Theywere called by the allegorical names of Virtue, Humanity,Manners, Faith, Justice, Wit. The first Empress was followedin no long time by a second, Kwo kogoo, and duringher reign she had the good fortune to have as a minister andcounselor Nakatomi-kamatar iko. He was not a Buddhist,but had no doubt felt the influence which the spread of thisdoctrine had exercised over Japan, and is reputed to this dayone of Japan’s greatest men, and looked up to as the founderof her law. During a long life he seems to have steeredsafely through the difficulties of politics—acting as counselorto his mistress, Kwo kogoo, her brother who succeeded her,Kwotoku, and again when his former mistress reascendedthe throne as Zai mei, and subsequently her son Ten si—gainingover those who might have been his opponents bysuavity and gentleness of demeanor. The last-named Emperor[83]deplored his loss, and gave him the hereditary nameof Fusi wara, a family of which he was the founder. Hewas canonized after death, and worshiped as Kassunga daimio jin, his temple being near Narra. During his life, andthe reign of Kwotoku, the eight boards were completed afterthe model of the Lok po, or six boards of China.

Another change, which commenced after the introductionof Buddhism, was the abdication of the Emperors after veryshort reigns. This led again to the successive appointmentsof mere children as Emperors. The ages at which several ofthe Emperors, over a lengthened period, ascended the throne,tended to reduce the position of Emperor to a name, and tothrow the entire power into the hands of the ministers. Thesystem began shortly after the introduction of Buddhism atcourt, and the minds of the boys and women who successivelywere nominal sovereigns of Japan were directed to thestudy of books of the religion, to the erection of magnificenttemples, and to the manufacture of enormous idols and bells;such as the enormous copper figures of Buddha at Narra,Kamakura, and Miako. The latter has been melted downand a wooden figure substituted. Such were the EmpressSei wa, who began her reign at the age of nine; Yozei, whocommenced his at the age of eight; Daigo, at thirteen;Reizan, a weakly lad of eighteen; Yenwou, at eleven; Goitsi, at nine; Konye, at three; and Rokusio, at two. Butat intervals when a man ascended the throne, as the EmperorTen si, it is a relief to see that some energy remainedin the members of the royal family; and at times the nationalvigor was shown, and the military spirit, which the peopleare always proud of asserting, was fanned, by wars withDattang (or Tartary) and Corea in 658 and 661. About thesame time Yezo was once more overrun by Japanese armsand brought into subjection, military stations and officersbeing appointed in the island and in the hitherto barbarousprovinces of Mootz and Dewa, in the north of Nippon.Revolts in the island of Kiusiu about 740 demanded freshaction from the center, and tend to show what a loose[84]hold this central power had at that time over the extremitiesof the country. Not till the year 794 was this centralpower finally fixed at Miako. About this year the EmperorKwan mu built a large palace there, finding that the magnitudeof the business transacted by the eight boards of theempire demanded some settled place at which the court andthe heads of departments might be permanently located. Tothe introduction of Buddhism and Chinese literature we mayascribe the completion, by Fusiwara (Tankai ko), who diedin 720, of the “Ritz Rio,” a code of laws which are in forceand use at the present day. The introduction of an alphabetor syllabary (the Hira Kana and Kata Kana) to facilitate thereading and understanding of Chinese was the work of thefamous priest Ko bo, born in the province of Sanuki in 774,and who died in 835. He was canonized as Kobo dai si, andis venerated as one of the holiest saints of the Japanese calendar,and consequently was very much abused by the Jesuits.He spent some part of his life in China studying underthe Buddhists of the time, and brought with him, as manyothers did, large numbers of Buddhist books. The enduringproperty of Japanese paper and the absence of white antshave preserved these, and doubtless in some of the librariesof the country and Corea there may be found works of greatinterest to the student of early Buddhist history in China andIndia. The Issyekio or catalogue of all Buddhist canonicalbooks has been lately republished.

The custom grew gradually into use of the Emperor, afterhis abdication, adopting the garb of a priest, shaving hishead, and retiring to a religious life. This seems to havebeen in many cases merely nominal, as some retained notonly an interest, but took an active part, in the affairs of theworld; while to others the retirement was a relief and anopening to license. The power, numbers, and wealth of theBuddhist monasteries had vastly increased. They threatenedto monopolize the land of the empire; and the head ofa monastery was equal or superior to one of the most powerfulprinces. Not only were the priests themselves living off[85]these lands, but each of these establishments had a numberof retainers and soldiers sufficient to change the tide of successin any engagement.

For three or four centuries the history of the empire maybe written in the successive rise to power of individuals ofthe great families of the peerage—Fusiwara, Sungawara,Minnamoto, Tatchibanna, and others. Names which areregarded as illustrious in history, and held in veneration tothe present day, occasionally shine out, such as Kan sio jo,better known by his posthumous title, Ten mang, the sonof Sungawar zay zen kio. He has the reputation of havingbeen a very able man, and was Kwan bakku and Nai dai jin.Fusiwara no toki hira, ancestor of Koozio dono of the presentday, became very jealous of him, and Ten mang being of aquiet disposition, Toka hira obtained an order for his banishmentto Dazai fu, in the island of Kiusiu. Here he retiredto the hill Ten pai zan, in Tsikuzen, and endeavored to get aletter conveyed to the Emperor, but failed in doing so, andwas found starved to death on the 25th day of the secondmonth. A fable is told of letters having passed between himand Haku raku teng, a Chinese poet, both letters being sosimilar that only one word out of fourteen differed. Therepetition of the story in connection with the greatest literarycharacter of the country may show what admiration Chineseliterature was held in by the Japanese, and how it was consideredthe standard of excellence. Ten mang occupies inJapanese schools a somewhat similar position to that heldby Confucius in the Chinese. He is worshiped on the 25thof each month, a day which is marked as a holiday. On theanniversary a matsuri or festival is held—“Natane no goku.”His posthumous title is Ten mang dai ji sei ten jin. Hisdescendants are known as Ten jin sang. Of temples to hismemory there is in Miako a fine one at Kitano, called alsoSay bio, and in Yedo at Kame ido, and at Yooshima andShibba. In that at Miako the gilding and lacker are renewedevery fifty years. There is in it a large library, withmany old pieces of armor and spoils taken during the wars[86]with Corea. These are exhibited annually on the mooshiboshi day, “insect-brushing-away day,” when the temple iscleaned.

Among others who made a name for themselves by theirbravery and other qualifications was Yoshi iye (son of Yoriyoshi, Prince of Mootz), one of the Minnamoto family, born1057, and known in history by the appellation given himby his enemies of Hatchi mang taro, or eldest son of thegod of war. His third son was Yoshi kooni, who settled atAshikanga, in the province of Simotsuki, and is the commonancestor of the celebrated families of Ashikanga and Nitta.

In 1008 the Empress was one of the great clan of Minnamoto,which was rising to power. The distant parts of theempire were being consolidated by operations against rebels,and the repeated transmission of large bodies of troops to thedifferent parts of the islands to put them down. This warbegan to create an excitement or rivalry among some of theleaders, who, when the rebellions were put down, had thewish for more enemies to conquer, and could only turnround in jealousy upon their equals. Yoshi iye was sent tothe province of Mootz as commander-in-chief, and, aftermany years’ fighting, subdued the rebels, and brought thisprovince, as well as all the Kwanto (the provinces “east ofthe barrier of Hakonay”), into submission. His son Tameyoshi desired the same post. To Taira tada mori, descendedfrom the Emperor Kwan mu, was given the island of Tsussima,and in 1153 his son Kio mori succeeded him as Presidentof the Criminal Tribunal. This name calls up, to anyone acquainted with Japanese history, the recollection ofthe most stirring events and the greatest struggle which hasever convulsed the empire of Japan. This struggle wasbetween the Gen or Minnamoto and the He or Taira families.He and Taira are the same word in Japanese writing,meaning “peace,” the former being the pronunciation of theChinese word ping. The Minnamoto family, or Gen ji, stoodon the broadest basis, and had risen to the greatest fame,and had recently occupied the highest positions in the state.[87]The Empress had been of the family, and the memoirs of thefamily had been written for her edification or to gratify herown or her family’s pride. On the other side, members ofthe Taira family, or He ji, had occasionally risen up to highrank in the state; and recently the family had been honoredfor its prowess and its activity in the imperial service.

Yoshi tomo and Kio mori were rising step by step tohigher rank and power, when the abdication of Toba no,1123, and the question as to his successor, threw everythinginto confusion. His immediate successor was his son Shotoku, in 1124, who after reigning seventeen years retired(mainly on account of the intrigues of his stepmother) atthe age of thirty-nine. He left a son, Sighe shto, but wassucceeded by his half-brother, Kon ye no in, who, afterreigning fourteen years, died at the age of seventeen. Thelatter had been elevated to the throne by the intrigues of Bifouk mon, his mother, and she suspected the late Emperorof having caused his death in order that his own son Sigheshto might ascend the throne. But in order to defeat theseprojects, she induced her son on his deathbed to adopt hishalf-brother Go ziro kawa. A younger son was thus inactual possession, while his nephew and the eldest son of theelder brother were displaced. The lineal heir endeavored toregain his rights. He raised an army, and on his side wereranged as leaders many of the higher members of the Minnamotofamily. On the other side was Kio mori, of theTaira family, and, of the Minnamoto family, Yoshi tomoand Tada mitsi. A battle was fought only eleven days afterthe death of the old Emperor Toba no in. Notwithstandingthe bravery and prowess of the leaders of their opponents,the He ji, the party in power, gained the day. Among theleaders of the Gen ji was Tame tomo, famous for his powerin drawing a bow (owing, perhaps, to the one arm beingshorter than the other), and, in his subsequent life, as a roverover the Southern seas. He was the first historical occupierof the islands to the south of Japan, Hatchi jo and its chain,linked on to the southeastern promontory, and the Liookioo[88]Islands, with the chain joined by links to the southwesternpromontory of the mainland. He was the brother of Yoshitomo, who fought on the opposite side. As a reward fortheir success on behalf of the Emperor de facto, Go zirokawa, Minnamoto Yoshi tomo and Taira Kio mori were bothraised to higher rank and power, and to each was given aprovince as a more substantial acknowledgment of theirassistance. From this time mutual jealousy seems to havegrown up between these two. But the ability of the reigningEmperor, who thenceforward took the reins into his ownhands, seems to have kept down their smoldering jealousy.As to the prince who was endeavoring to resume his lawfulrights, he and his father, the Emperor Sho toku, were banishedto the province of Sanuki, where the latter died in theyear 1163. He died of starvation, having written a letter tothe Emperor with his blood, upon a piece of his shirt; butKio mori would not let the Emperor see it.

The banished Emperor Sho toku was devoted to his worship,and since his death he has to many worshipers takenthe place of Compera. This is a name much worshipedin Japan as a god. As a hideous idol with a long nose hehas temples erected to his worship in every village. Immediatelyafter the death of Sho toku, in 1163, a violent stormor earthquake took place, and as he was known to have agreat reverence for Compera, this convulsion of nature wasattributed to the anger of this supposed being, and a magnificenttemple was raised by his son and grandson on Dzodzu Hill (Elephant’s Head Hill), at Matzuyama, near Marungame,in the province of Sanuki. Sho toku (known bythe adopted name of Seengeen) is by many looked upon asCompera gongen. Compera, from the Chinese characterscomposing the name, seems to be Kapila, of Indian mythology.Kapila was known as the founder of the Sankyaschool of philosophy in India, which, in reference to thesacred Vedas, held the authority of revelations as paramountto reason and experience, to which Buddha, either for hisphilosophical or his moral or religious doctrines, would not[89]submit. Some have thought Kapila and Buddha to be thesame person. His anniversary day is the tenth day of thetenth month. He is revered for his great strength, whichhe exerted in favor of Sakya mooni. In Buddhist history,Daibadatta wished to destroy Say son—i.e., Sakya mooni.He took up a large stone, twenty-four yards long and four-arms’length broad, and threw it down on him. Comperasaw the action, and instantly stretched out his hand andcaught the stone as it fell. Another name of Compera isHe-ira. He is called also Kapira, and “Goo pira,” and“Goo he ira.” The name of Ee ngio wo—power equal toemperor—is also given to him for his strength. Fudowo miois, according to some, the same as Compera. Many personsworship him because his name begins with “gold.”

Kio mori turned out to be the ablest and most unscrupulousminister of the time, but the Emperor, who had abdicated,still took the principal management of affairs duringthe reigns of his son and two grandsons. Kio mori at theage of fifty-one shaved his head, and nominally retired intopriest’s orders in 1169.

Yoshi tomo in 1159 had conspired to destroy Kio mori.He failed, and was killed while in the bath by his own servant,Osada. His eldest son went to Miako with the viewof killing Kio mori, but was discovered and put to death.His second son died. His third son, Yoritomo, born 1147,fled with his mother (Tokiwa go zen, a woman of low origin)and two brothers. Overtaken by snow and hunger, theywere arrested and brought back, when Kio mori forced herto become his concubine. His friends demanded that thechildren should be put to death, but, at the intercession ofhis own aunt, he saved their lives, but banished Yoritomoto Hiruga ko jima, or one of the islands to the south of Idzu.The other two boys, Yoshitzune and Nori yori, were keptin Miako and educated for priests. The former of them wasafterward a well-known hero. His nickname when a boywas Ushi waka, or young ox or calf. Yoritomo, while a boy,was known as Sama no kami, or captain of the left cavalry.

[90]At this time, 1170, Tame tomo above mentioned, who hadbeen roving about the South Sea for years past, landed onthe mountainous province and peninsula of Idzu, and attemptedto raise a rebellion; but his men were overcome,and he himself committed suicide. A temple was raised tohis memory, and he is worshiped both in Hatchi jo and inthe Liookioo Islands.

In 1171 the Emperor Taka kura no in, at the age of elevenyears, married the daughter of Kio mori, aged fifteen years.This rendered Kio mori still more powerful, and at the sametime more imperious in his conduct. He emerged from hisseclusion, and placed his two sons in the office of Tai sho orfirst generals, over the heads of others who had hoped forthe places. This raised a community of feeling against him,and again a conspiracy was made to attack and kill him andthe whole of his family, but it failed through the treachery ofsome of the conspirators. The Empress, Kio mori’s daughter,1178, had a son, and in the following year his own son,Sighe mori, died. This son had proved some obstacle to theworking out of his father’s schemes of ambition, and whenhe was removed by death Kio mori imperiously ruled accordingto his own pleasure. His grandson, Antoku, in 1181,became Emperor. Kio mori became very tyrannical beforehis death; he not only kept the old Emperor confined, buttried to change the residence of the court from Miako to Fuku wara, and determined to extirpate the family of Minnamoto.Once more a conspiracy was set on foot to destroythe family of He, by one of the royal princes, who had sufferedfrom the arrogant insolence of Kio mori. Letters wereobtained from the old Emperor and secretly dispatched toYoritomo, then in banishment on the coast of Idzu, whowas looked upon as the head of the Minnamoto familyand the chief enemy of Kio mori and the He kay. Hisbrother Yoshitzune had escaped from Miako, in the retinueof some gold merchants, to the province of Dewa, and wasresiding in that province with Hide hira, Mootz no kami.Yoritomo had married the daughter of Hojio Toki massa, in[91]whose charge he was during his banishment. Through herfather she was descended from Kwan mu, Emperor, and wasafterward known as Ama Shiogoon, or female Shiogoon, hername being Taira no Massa go. When the letters were givento him from the Emperor and his son, calling upon him toraise troops to rid the country of Kio mori, and release themfrom the durance in which they were kept, he immediatelywrote to his brother Yoshitzune, calling upon him to assisthim. Under such surveillance were these royal parties keptthat it was only under the guise of paying a visit to the greattemple of Miajima, on the beautiful island Itsuku jima, inthe inland sea, in the province of Aki, then belonging toKio mori, that the conspirators were able to get the lettersdispatched. Yoritomo, with Hojio, collected what men hecould, and raised the flag at Ishi bashi yama. When he firststarted only seven men joined him, and he fought his firstbattle with only three hundred under him, against ten timestheir number. He was defeated, and with his seven friendsran away, and the story goes that they all hid in the hollowtrunk of a large tree near Ishi bashi hatto. While remainingconcealed there, the soldiers, having examined everyother place, came to the conclusion they must be there. AKashiwara man (secretly a partisan of the Gen party) volunteeredto go and look, and, though suspected, he wasallowed to do so. He went up, looked in, and saw the partyhiding, and told them to lie still, and taking his spear showedhis commander that he could turn it all round the hollow.When he did so, two bats or birds flew out, and he told hiscommander that the mouth of the hollow was covered overwith spiders’ webs. The party of soldiers went away.Yoritomo and his friends left immediately, and went to atemple, where they were secreted in the wardrobe for storingthe dresses of the priests. Meantime the soldiers returned,looked into the tree, and found that they had been there.They then went to the temple, demanded of the priest wherethey were secreted, and, on his refusing to tell, they killedhim.

[92]Meanwhile Yoshitzune collected what forces he could,and with them went down to Kamakura, at the head of theOdawara division of the Bay of Yedo.

Yoritomo was forced to take refuge in the remote peninsulaof Awa, southeast of Yedo, whence he dispatched missivescalling on all the Gen family to collect, sending Hojio, hisfather-in-law, to the province of Kahi, and joining Hirotsune with a large body of men on the banks of the riverSumida gawa, that division of the Tonay gawa which runspast the eastern side of Yedo. In the province of Musasi hewas joined by Hatake yama; while his relation, Yoshi nakaof Kisso, raised an army in Sinano. Yoritomo fixed uponKamakura, in the province of Segami, at a very early date,for his residence. This beautiful classic spot is within twohours’ ride of Yokohama, and shows now little trace of havingonce been the residence of a court. Trivial circumstancesprobably led him to this conclusion, as it does not seem to bea place suited in any way for a large city or for the capitalof a country. He was a man of great ability, and of strongwill, but had received no education; and having been broughtup in the province of Idzu, had acquired the dialect of thedistrict. The mountain-pass of Hakkone is considered thekey to the eastern provinces, and if it were sufficientlyguarded, his position would be one of comparative safety,at a distance of a day’s march from the pass. His relation,Yori Yoshi, had formerly resided there, and he hadprobably looked upon it, when a boy, as the family property.From his residence here he was called, by the people ofKwanto, Kam kura dono, a name by which he is spokenof to this day. Kwanto literally means east of the barrier—i.e.,of Hakkone—and is synonymous with Ban do, east ofthe hill. It is a name by which are understood all the eightprovinces to the east of the range of hills running down thepromontory of Idzu; viz., Segami, Musasi, Simotsuki, Kowotsuki,Simosa, Kadsusa, Awa, and Fitatsi. It is calledalso Kwang hasshiu.

Forces were sent from Miako by Kio mori to oppose[93]Yoritomo, but at this time his relative Hojio met him witha large re-enforcement, and the He party retired withoutfighting. Yoritomo overran the province of Fitatsi and putto death Satake Hide Yoshi. The whole empire was nowdesolated by war. The tide began, before Kio mori died, atthe age of sixty-four, in 1181, to turn in favor of the Genparty. But so long as Kio mori lived the cause of his opponentsdid not seem to hold out much prospect of success, andthe relatives of Yoritomo are still found fighting against him,and on the side of the ruling party. Among these were hisown uncle Yoshi hiro, and Yoshi naka, another relative.The latter was afterward reconciled to Yoritomo, and renderedhim great assistance, being everywhere victorious inthe northern provinces of Etsjiu and Kanga. Thence herapidly pushed on to the capital, and seized the extensivemonastery of Hiyaysan. The Emperor Antoku fled westwardwith his wife, Kio mori’s daughter. His grandfather,the old Emperor Go Zirakawa, received his deliverers inMiako, and still retaining his interest in the regulation ofaffairs, saw another grandson, brother of Antoku, proclaimedas Emperor. The possessions of the He party were confiscatedand divided among the members of the Gen family.Antoku remained about Da zai foo, the station from whichmilitary superintendence of the island of Kiusiu was regulated,but from this island the He party was driven out andcrossed over to Sikok. Still they were able in different partsof the country to make a stand, and even to defeat theiradversaries in more than one battle. Several of the partyhad been left in Miako in posts of consequence, the son ofKio mori being regent, and they did what they could to supporttheir cause in the capital. Yoshi naka, who had seizedMiako on the part of the Genji, became in his turn overbearing,and roused the impatience of the old Emperor, whostirred up the priests of the monasteries of Hiyaysan andMidera to oppose him. But Yoshi naka suddenly came uponthem, seized and imprisoned the Emperor, and beheaded theabbots of the religious houses. He caused himself to be[94]created Sei dai Shiogoon, and finally set himself up in oppositionto Yoritomo. Yoshitzune and Nori Yori, brothers ofYoritomo, were immediately dispatched from the Kwantoto Miako to attack him, and set free the Emperor and hisgrandfather, and he was defeated by them and killed.Meantime, 1184, the He ji had been gathering their strengthin the western provinces, and had assembled an army of100,000 men and fortified themselves. Nori Yori and Yoshitzuneattacked them, and after a very severe engagementtook the fort by assault and completely routed the army,killing many of the leaders of the party. After this Yoritomoordered his son-in-law, son of Yoshi naka, to be put todeath, and Yoshitzune was appointed governor of Miako.He attacked the enemy in the island of Sikok, and also inthe western provinces of Nagato, and at the fort of AkaMagaseki routed them; the mother of the Emperor escapingwith the two insignia of rule—the sacred sword and the sealor ball. But in crossing over from Simonoseki the Emperorthrew himself into the sea and was drowned. Of the twosacred emblems, the sword was said to have been lost; theseal was saved. At this narrowest part of the passage betweenKiusiu and Nippon runs a ledge of rocks, and uponthese stands a small column, or tombstone, to the memoryof the Emperor. On the Kiusiu side is the village of Dairi,called so from the imperial family having rested there.Moone mori, one of the party, is said to have fled to theisland of Tsussima, where his descendants to this day ruleas (the Chinese sound of the name) Sso. When the men ofthe party were all destroyed, the females crowded the portof Simonoseki, and were obliged to live by prostitution; andhence the females of this class in Simonoseki are accorded tothis day the first rank of the class, and privileges—in theway of dress, such as wearing stockings, and wearing theknot of the obi or belt behind, like other women, and notbefore, as prostitutes—which are denied to others. In thecenter of the island of Kiusiu, between Fiuga and Higo, isa high tableland, partly marsh, extending from twenty to[95]thirty miles in length. According to native accounts, thisplace was, a hundred years ago, quite a terra incognita.About that time it was discovered that there were peopleliving in three villages within the marsh. The principalvillage was called Mayra. Further investigation beingmade, it was discovered that these were remnants of the Heji, who had fled there at this period, and had isolated themselvesthrough fear. They had conveyed their fears to theirchildren, who, when visited, had a dread of being punishedfor the crimes of their forefathers. The three villages arenow under charge of a Hattamoto.

The power of the He family was thus completely broken,and that of the Gen or Minnamoto firmly established, mainlythrough the prowess and generalship of Yoshitzune. Yoritomobegan to be jealous of his brother on account of thecredit and reputation he had gained by his success. Hepicked a quarrel with him on the ground of his having marrieda daughter of the enemy of the house, Kio mori, andsent forces against him, demanding of the Emperor that hisfather-in-law, Hojio, should be appointed generalissimo, bythis means filling the places of command with his own creatures.Yoshitzune left the capital and retired to Oshiu to hisold friend Hide Hira, governor of the province. Yoritomowas enraged at an asylum being given to his brother in thenorth, and sent orders to have him put to death. Yasu hira,the son of his old friend, attacked him, and Yoshitzune, beingunprepared and seeing no way of escape, destroyed himself,after first killing his wife and children. Yoritomo,angry with the man for doing what he himself had ordered,marched against Yasu hira with a large army, and finallydestroyed him. Yoritomo built a palace for himself in Miako,but appears generally to have lived at Kamakura. At thislatter place are to be seen to this day the remains of his workin the roads cut through rocks which confined the space ofground set apart for his residence.

In 1190 he went to Miako, where he had built a palace,and in great state visited the Emperor; but after a month’s[96]residence in the capital he returned to Kamakura. In 1192the old Emperor Go zira kawa died at the age of sixty-seven.He had lived, after his abdication, during parts of the reignsof five emperors, his sons and grandsons. He had duringforty years taken a very active part in the working of thegovernment, and had passed through the most exciting timein the history of his country. His last years were spent intranquillity.

Yoritomo was appointed Sei dai Shiogoon. Suspectinghis brother Nori Yori of plotting against him, he banishedhim to Idzu, where he was soon after put to death. Heagain visited the capital for four months in 1195, but returnedto Kamakura, from which place he virtually ruledthe empire. He fell from his horse toward the end of 1198,and died shortly after, in 1199, at the age of fifty-three. Heis generally regarded as the greatest hero in Japanese history.But his treatment of his brother has been a great blotupon his character, and lowered him very much in the regardof his countrymen. Yoshitzune is looked upon as the mirrorof chivalry, and his conduct is held up to the youth of thecountry for imitation, rather than the calculating, bloody,though brilliant career of Yoritomo.

Kamakura seems to have occupied under Yoritomo verynearly the same situation, in a political point of view, thatYedo does in the present day. The absence of external foeshaving created a necessity for internal division, two courtsarose, the one with forms without power, the other wieldingall the power and dispensing with the forms, except when itsuited him to demand them. Yoritomo seems to have beenthe first to establish his court in the eastern part of the empire,a retreat which he chose probably on account of its retiredand defensible situation. Standing upon the sea, theplace is inclosed by hills, and in order to obtain access to thetown a road was cut on either side through the hills. Thatto the east, toward Kanesawa, is a fine perpendicular cuttingthrough sandstone. The houses occupied by Yoritomo, andafter him by Ashikanga, or the sites where they stood, are[97]pointed out. Here stands a fine temple to Hatchimang,erected since the days of Yoritomo, and upon the spot wherehis son was assassinated. It is known as Suruga oka Hatchimang.An avenue with three fine stone archways leadsstraight to the sea from the door of the temple. Upon theplatform on which the temple stands is a small shrine toInari, the god of rice, worshiped everywhere in Japan; anotherto the spirit of Yoritomo; another to stones in whichsome divine power is supposed to reside. Two stones belowshow that the Phallic worship lingers in Japan, female (soto speak) as well as male, while a temple on the shore, nearOoraga, is entirely devoted to this infatuation. The tombof Yoritomo, an unpretending slab, is in the neighborhood.A small hill opposite has the name of Kinoo hari yama, takingthis name from Yoritomo having ordered it to be coveredwith white silk to show some of his lady friends how itlooked in winter. The story may be doubted, if it were onlyon account of the scarcity of silk at that time. At Kanesawaare the tombs of the servants of Yoshitzune. About half amile from the temple of Hatchimang, on the road to Fusisawa,is the fine old temple called Kenchoji, built by orderof Moone taka Sinwo, son of the Emperor Sanga. Furtheron is a nunnery or convent for ladies, the Matzunga oka.Looking toward the sea, the little island or peninsula ofEeno sima is visible. On the road in this direction is a templebuilt by a daughter of Mito; a little beyond is a placefamous for the manufacture of swords; and beyond this is avillage with a temple to Kunon, the goddess of mercy (Kwanyin of China).

Turning to the right from the village is a large copperfigure of Buddha sitting in the open air, in a position andwith an air of great repose. It is between forty and fiftyfeet high. Around this colossal figure are seen in the grasslarge flat stones. These are the bases of the pillars of atemple which once covered the figure. But during a severeearthquake a rush of the sea over a temporary subsidence ofthe land swept away everything but the massive figure and[98]foundation-stones of the temple. It looks at present far outof reach of the renewal of any such devastation.

The glory of Kamakura has removed to Yedo, and whatis said by the Jesuit fathers to have been at one time a townof 200,000 houses is now a village of not 200 cottages.

The son of Yoritomo, Yori ye, succeeded him in all hisemployments; but proving unequal to the task of governing,he retired, and his son, Sanne tomo, at twelve years of age,was appointed Sei dai Shiogoon, Tokimasa, father-in-law ofYoritomo, being regent; and from this date the power of theHojio family began. The following year they put to deathYori ye. Tokimasa assassinated Hatake yama, and afterwardhad designs upon Sanne tomo’s life at the instigationof his wife; but they were discovered by Sanne tomo’s grandmother,Yoritomo’s widow, and Tokimasa was banished.Sanne tomo was assassinated by his brother Kokio (who hadbecome a priest, and officiated in the temple) while descendingthe stairs of the large temple of Hatchimang goo, atKamakura, after worshiping there at night. He was thelast Shiogoon of the family of Yoritomo. The power fell tothe hands of Hojio no Yoshi toki, who ruled with Masa go,widow of Yoritomo, known as “Ama shiogoon,” or the Nuncommander-in-chief. Hojio Yasu toki was Sikken, a titlewhich was afterward changed to Kwan rei, or minister tothe Shiogoon at Kamakura, and began to assume a similarposition toward the Shiogoon that the latter held toward theEmperor. Hojio and Hasago raised to the office of ShiogoonYoritsone, son of Fusiwara no Mitsi ye. Yoritsone resignedthe post of Shiogoon at the age of twenty-seven to his son,aged six, who the following year married a daughter ofHojio. The father and son, being in 1251 discovered to beconcerned in a plot against the Emperor, were seized; andthe office was now given to one of the royal family fromMinko, Moone taka, “Sin wo.” In his time Hojio Toki yori,then Kwanrei, built the large temple of Kenchoji at Kamakura.The Hojio family (Fosio of Klaproth) at this timeabsorbed the chief authority in the empire.

[99]The historical notes which follow are taken from a nativealmanac with the assistance of a native, and are in themselvesuninteresting; but they give some short notice of thewars between the Emperors of the North and South, of therise to power of different families—such as Hojio, Ashikanga,Nitta, Hossokawa, and others—who occupied prominentplaces in Japanese history down to the time of Nobu nanga,when a military genius arose to extract order out of confusion,and system out of a chaos of anarchy. But even theconfused and uninteresting mass of names entangled in factsmay give an impression of what the state of the country wasduring a period when nothing but turmoil and boiling broughtone after another to the surface, to make way in turn for othersfrom the abyss below. That some information is containedin these notes, may be an excuse for placing themhere in such a meager and unentertaining form. But thenames of individuals, of places, of temples, become interestingas more is known of the history of the country and thereligion of Japan.

In 1260 the Nitsi ren sect of Buddhists was introducedat Kamakura, a sect which has become of more prominencelately, since foreigners arrived in Japan, owing to a saintof the sect, Saysho gosama, having been a great persecutorof Christians.

Hojio Toki yori, minister of the Shiogoon, one of the greatmen of Japan, died in 1263, aged thirty-seven; and the ShiogoonMoone taka was forced to resign, and his son, KoreYassu, a child, raised to the office.

In China, the Mokoo (or Mongol), about 1276, had overthrownthe Sung dynasty. Corea was compelled to becometributary, and embassies from China were sent to Japan,calling upon the Emperor to send his tribute. At differenttimes several large naval expeditions were fitted out by theChinese emperor, the Kublai of Marco Polo. One of these,in 1281, reached the coast of Tsussima; but in consequenceof severe storms, said to have been raised by the opportuneassistance of the god at Isse (whence he is called Kase mo[100]mia, or god of the wind), the vessels were knocked to pieces,and 30,000 men taken prisoners and killed. One of the embassadorswas beheaded at Kamakura. The power of theHojio family had become so great at Kamakura that theyretained in their own hands the appointment of Emperor.

In 1282, the Sikken, or Kwanrei, died, and was succeededby his son, aged fourteen years; so that at this time it wouldappear that the country was governed by a deputy or assistantof a boy, the deputy or minister of the commander-in-chiefunder the reigning Emperor, with the advice and assistanceof one, and perhaps two, abdicated Emperors.

This state of things could not be expected to continue,and could only exist in a country with no external relationsand with no neighbors. The divided government made upto some extent for this want, but it left so many opportunitiesfor individuals plotting to seize the power that it is nowonder that the Emperors and the Shiogoons chafed underit. This was met by a constant accession to these high postsof children, who, when they began to be troublesome, wereforced to resign, the Hojio family continuing to hold the realpower at Kamakura and Miako, and also in Kiusiu, and deposingthe Emperors and Shiogoons when they pleased, andelecting whomsoever suited them.

So early as 1284 the laws of the country seem to havefollowed a policy of exclusion. In that year an officer cameover from China in the quality of embassador, accompaniedby a priest, but he was taken and executed on the pretextthat he was come to spy out the land. Some years after,another priest, Na yissang, came from China, and he alsowas treated at Kamakura as a spy, and imprisoned, but wasafterward liberated, and built the temple of Nan jenji, stillstanding in Miako.

In 1308, Hana zo no, then twelve years of age, waschosen by the officers of the Hojio family at Kamakuraas Emperor.

In 1312 the Kwanrei Hojio Sada toki died, much respected,and the place of minister was kept for his son, Sada toki, for[101]five years by two relations, till he was fourteen years of age,when he became Kwanrei.

The executive at Kamakura had named Godaigo as successorto the Emperor, and he came to the throne when hewas thirty-one years of age. He very soon began to be irritatedwith the position he held, ruled over by subordinatesat Kamakura. He married the daughter of Chiooso KaneKado, a high officer of Chinese extraction.

In 1321 the office known as the Ki rokusho was establishedin the palace at Miako.

Taka toki, the young Kwanrei, was very dissipated, passinghis time between wine and women, and in consequencewas hated; and in 1325 Yori Kazoo and Kooni nanga, bysecret orders from the Emperor, set out on an attempt totake his life; but he was previously informed of it, and seizedthem, and put them to death. Taka toki being ill, shavedhis head and took orders when he was twenty-four years ofage, and his relative, Taka Ske, at Nagasaki, assumed thechief power. The arrogance of the Hojio family at Kamakuraexcited intense ill-will at Miako, and the attempt tooverthrow this power gave rise to the troubles known as thewar between the North and South Emperors, which desolatedJapan for many years, and which ended in the downfall ofboth the Emperor and the Hojio faction.

In 1327, Oto no mia, one of the Emperor’s sons, determinedto break down the power of the Hojio family atKamakura; but his intrigues were divulged, and he wascompelled to shave his head and become a priest, asTendai no Zass, or head of the Buddhists. But this didnot prevent him putting on his armor again when occasionoffered. He afterward, under the name of MoriYoshi, was Shiogoon.

1330. The Emperor still longed to destroy the influenceof the Hojio party. He consulted with the Buddhist priests,then a very powerful body in the realm. He built the fortressof Kassangi in Yamato, to be seen to this day; but hisdesign was discovered, and he was obliged to fly to this fort,[102]whence he sent for Koosinoki massa Singhi, then a smallofficer in Kawadsi, but considered a very able soldier.

In 1331 the forces of Taka toki attacked and took thecastle of Kassangi, and taking Godaigo prisoner, sent himto the island of Oki, and for some years there was no Emperor.Ko gen was called “Tenwo” by the Kamakura party,but he was called the False Emperor by his opponents.

In 1332, Otonomia, Nitta, and Koosinoki met at Chi waya, a castle near Miako. While the Kamakura army ofHojio overcame the other detachments, they were repulsedby that under Koosinoki. Nitta Yoshi assembled an armyin the province of Kowotski. Troops were sent against himfrom Kamakura, but after several engagements he marchedupon and sacked and burned that town. Among the officersof the Hojio party some were killed in battle, others werebeheaded, and many killed themselves. Among the lastwas Taka toki. His son had his throat cut. In Kiusiu theHojio party was defeated by Owotomo, who seized the governor,whose life was saved, but all the other members ofthe Hojio family, who had been so overbearing during theirperiod of rule, were massacred by the people. Their authority,which had been paramount for years in Kamakura, andthence in the empire, was completely broken down.

Godaigo was restored to the throne. He had not improvedby adversity, and was weak in his character. Heremoved all the officers in place, and, against the advice ofhis friends and ministers, conferred rank and power on AshikangaTaka ooji, who had entered into a conspiracy againsthim, and who afterward became the most powerful man inthe empire and founder of a long line of Shiogoons. TheEmperor gave to those who had assisted him large landedpossessions: to Ashikanga, the provinces of Hitatsi, Musasi,and Simosa; to Nitta Yoshi Sada, Kowotski and Harima;and to his son, Etsingo; to Koosinoki, Setsu and Kawadsi;and to others in proportion. Mori Yosi, the royal priest, hadbeen appointed Shiogoon, but at the instance of Ashikangawas imprisoned and deposed. The Emperor had been warned[103]against Ashikanga by Madenga koji chika foossa, his minister,in vain. This minister was the author, in 1341, of the“Shoku gen sho,” the red book of the court of Miako.

The war which was now commencing is known as thewar between the Northern and Southern Emperors—theHokko cho and the Nancho. Each party set up one Emperorafter another, while the war raged under generals whowere fighting for the office of commander-in-chief rather thanfor the empire. Ashikanga and Nitta, Koosinoki and Hossokawa,Kikootchi and Owotomo, were the prominent leaders;while Godaigo, as Emperor of the South, was succeeded byGo mura Kami, retaining possession of, during a series ofmisfortunes, the three insignia of imperial power. On theother hand, Ko gen, called False Emperor, was succeededas Emperor of the North by his brother Komio, who abdicatedin favor of Sh’ko, who was taken prisoner, and Kongong took his place; but he and both his predecessors fellinto the hands of their opponent. After the destruction ofKamakura and the downfall of the Hojio family in 1332, thetheater of war changed to the neighborhood of Miako. Yoshimitz, afterward the great Ashikanga, was appointed Shiogoonin 1367, when he was ten years of age. On both sidestreachery on the part of the generals seems to have been atrivial and common occurrence; and this is not surprising,inasmuch as there was no principle involved, and no party-cryto rally under. Each general was fighting for himselfand for his own advancement, while the opposing Emperorslooked on apparently without much feeling or interest in thequestion at issue. By this war in the island of Kiusiu thefamily of Satsuma largely increased its power and possessionsat the expense of Kikootchi.

In the year 1392, by the mediation of O-ooji, lord of theprovinces in the west part of Nippon, peace was broughtabout. He induced the Emperor of the South to bring toMiako the three emblems, and to give them up to his rival,accepting the title of Dai jio ten wo. Thenceforward bothEmperors lived in Miako, Go ko matz reigning. During the[104]first troublous times Ashikanga had been strengthening hisposition, enriching himself and rising in rank and favor tothe highest position to which a subject could attain. He builta splendid house for himself in Muro Matchi Street, calledthe Palace of Flowers, and two others called respectively theGold and Silver Houses, which were large enough to betaken away in pieces (after his death) and form parts of differenttemples, of which these parts are still looked upon asthe chief ornaments. Such is the temple of Tchikuboo shimain the Great Lake. The titles given him were the head ofthe Gen family: Joone san goo—i.e., as the Emperor’s secondson—and Dai Shiogoon. He was at length, before hewas forty, raised to be Dai jo dai jin, and during the followingyear he gave up his titles and place, and, shaving hishead, retired under the Buddhist name of Zensan, or HeavenlyMountain. He moved about with a style and equipagesimilar to that used by the Emperor. He sent an embassyto China, and received an answer, in which he was styledNippon wo or King of Japan. The Emperor visited him,and conferred on him the title of Kubosama—Kubo beingthe title of the father or predecessor of the Emperor afterabdication, sama implying that he is equal to or “the sameas.” He was the first to whom the title was given, and itis still a title which is conferred by the Emperor, and is notinherent in any office. He died in 1408. The office of Shiogoonbecame hereditary in the family of Ashikanga, andhenceforth the position of Kwanrei or Minister to the Shiogoonwas aspired to as conveying the chief power in theempire. Kamakura was still the usual residence of thisofficer. Eight families were set apart, from among whomit was eligible to name the Kwanrei, chief among whomwere Hossokawa, Hatake yama, and Ooyay soongi—thefamily of Hossokawa being at this time the most powerful.After the death of the great Ashikanga, his descendants wereunable to wield the power which he had transmitted to them.He does not seem to have established any powerful governmentthroughout the empire, but would appear to have held[105]what he had seized rather from the country being tired ofcivil war than from any great administrative talent in himself.During the century which followed, civil war seemsto have been the normal state of Japan—one man after anotherrising to seize the reins—at one time at Miako, atanother at Kamakura. No one chief was able to reducethe whole empire to a settled state of tranquillity. If onerose a little above his compeers, they combined againsthim; while the monasteries and religious sects were sopowerful as to be able to insure success to whatever sidethey gave their influence and assistance. This state ofthings continued till Nobu nanga gradually rose out ofthe crowd, and struck down the power of these Buddhistsects.

1410. While the appointment of a Dai or great Shiogoonwas kept up at Miako, an inferior officer, with the title ofShiogoon only, was placed in Kamakura, with a ministerunder him. The men who filled both offices were still of theAshikanga family. When so many high offices were heldby powerful chiefs, jealousy was excited, and this kept upa state of constant civil war in some parts of the country.The three rich provinces of Bizen, Mimesaka, and Harimawere taken from the owner, Akamatz, who to revenge himselfinvited the Dai Shiogoon to a banquet and assassinatedhim. He in turn committed suicide, and his territory wasdivided.

In 1414 the three emblems were stolen, but were afterwardrecovered. The family of Hossokawa was rising topower and wealth at Kamakura, while that of Ashikangawas on the wane.

In 1415, for the first time, an act was passed by the rulingpowers known as a Tokusayay. This is a law suddenlypassed, by which all mercantile engagements are at an endand all debts cancelled. This act of arbitrary, high-handedinjustice has been carried out over and over again in Japan,and is generally the act of some high officer who has borrowedmoney largely. Whether it was carried to the full[106]extent stated may be doubted, but it has been the cause ofmuch trouble and anxiety.

In 1462 Ashikanga nari ooji, son of the former Shiogoonof Kamakura, was obliged to fly to Ko nga in the provinceof Simotsuki.

In 1466 the war known in history as the “Onin” commenced,and lasted during the following eleven years. Thedispute arose between two sons of the chief Shibba, in whichthe late Shiogoon and his successor took opposite sides. Thiswas the breeze which fanned the smoldering flame arising inthe desire on the part of the wife of the abdicated Shiogoonthat her son should be nominated to succeed, otherwise hewould be compelled to shave his head and become a priest.The whole country around Miako was desolated by war andslaughter, great excesses being committed, during whichhouses, temples, libraries, and documents of value weredestroyed, and, as might have been expected, a famine occurredin 1472. This, together with the death of the generalscommanding on both sides—Yamana Sozeng and Hossokawa—ledto a cessation of hostilities in 1474, when someyears of quiet and peace followed.

1487. The famous Ota do Kwang was assassinated bySadamasa. An anecdote related of him is often taken as asubject by Japanese artists. He was out hawking whena heavy rain came on. Seeing a little cottage, he with hisattendants went to ask for a grass rain-coat. A beautifulyoung woman came out, and upon his asking for what hewanted, she went to the garden, pulled a branch of a flower,and kneeling down presented it to the gentleman. Lookingat the plant, he at once perceived that she was modestlymaking a play upon the word rain-coat, the plant beingknown by the name of “no seed,” which implied also by aturn of words that she had no rain-coat to give him.

1487. War again broke out between the Shiogoon andSasaki in the province of Oomi, which lasted for three orfour years, when the Shiogoon fled to the territories ofO-ooji, then chief of the western provinces of Nippon.

[107]About 1494 the family of Hojio of Odawara took its risein the person of Zinkio, who had been a merchant in Isse,but whose genius seems to have been military, and who wasknown afterward as Hojio so woon. He seized whateverterritory in the Kwanto and around the castle of Odawarahe could lay his hands upon. During these periods this unfortunatecountry was not only desolated by civil war andall its horrors, but it suffered severely in addition from convulsionsof nature. In 1472 a famine arose as the concomitantof war. In 1475 a very extensive earthquake occurredon the sixth day of the eighth month, when a wave from thesea, during a temporary subsidence of the earth, carriedaway at one sweep a large part of the lower quarter of thecity of Osaka. In 1496 there was a drought all over the empire,which was followed by a famine in 1497. And the nextyear was marked by severe earthquakes all over Japan;while in 1506 all the old fir-trees on the hill Kassunga yamanear Narra died to the number of above 7,000. A similardisease had visited Japan in 1406, exactly a hundred yearsbefore. Severe drought and dreadful thunderstorms in 1514were followed in 1515 by earthquakes over the whole country.

The new century brought no cessation from war andassassination. Hossokawa, then prime minister, was assassinatedby his servant Kassai. O-ooji, from the westernprovinces, marched upon Miako, bringing his protégé, thelate Shiogoon, with him, and, seizing the capital, caused theEmperor to install him as prime minister or Kwanrei, anoffice which had for many years been in the hold of the threefamilies, Shibba, Hossokawa, and Hatake yama. An attemptwas made in Miako to assassinate the Shiogoon duringthe night, but he killed the assassins with his own sword.

In 1510 Nangao, a servant, and relative of Ooyay Soongi,minister at Kamakura, rebelled against his master, defeatedhim, and entered into possession of his castle and territoryin the province of Etsingo, where he afterward became verypowerful as Ooyay Soongi Kengshing. Hossokawa andO-ooji drove one another alternately out of Miako, but ultimately[108]the latter retired to his own western province ofSuwo; and during the same time Hojio of Odawara wasfighting in the Kwanto with Miura.

1486. Hossokawa massa moto was made Kwanrei.

In 1521, for the first time in many years, the Emperormade a public appearance. The officers and court were bothimpoverished. The land was barely and sparsely cultivated.The young were growing up in perfect ignorance. Hossokawabrought Yoshi haru to Miako, and made him Shiogoon,and put the Shiogoon, Yoshitanne, into confinement in theisland of Awadsi. The following year the latter died inthe province of Awa, where his descendants still live, andthe head of the family is still known as “Awa kubo.”

In the year 1523 an attempt was made to commence atrade with China at Ningpo. O-ooji, the lord of the westernprovinces, sent over ships. But at this time the coasts ofChina were infested by Japanese pirates, and the attemptto trade does not seem to have been successful: it shows,however, that a commerce was beginning before the Portuguesevisited Japan.

1528. Mioshi kaï woong, from the province of Awa inSikok, attacked Miako; the Kwanrei, Takakooni, on thepart of the Shiogoon, met him at the Katsura gawa, theriver running into the sea at Osaka, but was defeated, andthe Shiogoon fled to Oomi, where the head of the Sasakifamily gave him shelter.

1530. The following year the Kwanrei and Mioshi wereagain at war in the neighborhood of Osaka, when the formerwas defeated, taken prisoner, and put to death.

1532. Haru moto, whom Mioshi had placed as Kwanreiin Miako, took offense at some of the proceedings of thelatter, and ordered him to be killed.

1536. At this period the Emperor was very poor and hisexpenses were defrayed by O-ooji, the lord of the westernprovinces, to whom the Emperor gave the title of Da zai nodai ni. The Emperor Go Tsutchi died in such poverty thathis body lay unburied for some days for want of money.

[109]To this date the annals of the Emperors are broughtdown. Since the accession of the present dynasty of Shiogoons,the printing of every work relative to government isprohibited. There are slight notices of remarkable occurrencesduring each year published in an almanac form; as,for instance, it is noted that in 1533, on the tenth month,eighth day—i.e., November—there were observed an extraordinarynumber of falling stars, and in 1534 a very fatalepidemic passed over the country.

1537. During this year disturbances arose between theBuddhist priests of the Tendai sect of the Hiyaysan monastery,and those of the Hokkay or Nitchi ren sect. The formerburned down the temple of the latter, and with it nearlythe half of Miako was consumed.

1538. In Kwanto the chiefs were again at war. Hojioattacked Yamano ootchi in his castle of Kawa goi near Yedoand routed him by a night attack. Takeda Singeng, now alad, turned his father out of his possessions in Kahi.

In 1539, muskets were first known—brought over toTanegasima by the Portuguese, pistols being known to thisday by the name of “tanegasima.” According to the “Historyof the Church in Japan,” “The islands of Japan werefirst discovered in the last century, but at what time is veryuncertain—some say in the year 1534; St. Francis Xavierbelieved it was rather five or six years after. Be it as itwill, Father Maffius and others tell us that three Portuguesemerchants, Antony Mora, Francis Zaimor, and AnthonyPexot, in their voyage from Dodra, in Siam, to China, werethrown by tempests upon the islands of Japan in 1541, andput in at the kingdom of Cangoxima.” This is the southernpart of the island of Kiusiu, off which lies the island of Tanegaor Tanesima. Mendez Pinto, who appears to have beenwrecked in this vessel, gives no date, but, from his account,the sensation caused by the pistols and muskets brought tothis warlike nation seems to have been much greater thanthat caused by the apparition of strangers. It is not wonderfulthat the year should have been noted in the Japanese[110]calendars as that in which firearms were introduced. Theydid not anticipate that the arrival of these foreigners was tobe to the empire the source of much trouble. At this timethe Lioo Kioo Islands seem to have been well known to thebuccaneers on the Chinese coast, and with the strong southerlymonsoons, so frequently broken up by typhoons, it wasnot likely that Japan could remain long undiscovered; andthe Japanese must have known of Europeans and their customsfrom their own sailors trading to China and Singapore.

1540. Mowori Moto nari, ancestor of Choshiu of the presentday, and founder of the family, was embroiled with hisfeudal superior, Amako of Idzumo, and gave in his allegianceto O-ooji. This state of disturbances is noted in the earliestletters of the Jesuits, written from Amangutchi, the capitalof these provinces, which was afterward visited by FrancisXavier.

1542. This year was born (26th day of twelfth month)To sho Shingku—better known as Iyeyas—at Oka saki inMikawa; and during the year Ima ngawa and Nobu hide,father of Nobu nanga, fought a battle at Atsuka Saka inMikawa. The Portuguese came to Boongo to trade, andreceived a warm reception in the territories of Owotomo.

In 1543 the Portuguese came back again; Owotomo,Boongo no kami, was then lord of this province, and of agreat part of the island of Kiusiu. An officer, by nameSeito, was sent by him with the Portuguese to Miako.Hitherto the history of Japan has been made up entirelyfrom native sources; but after this time the letters of theJesuits, and the accounts published from time to time byEuropeans, become of interest. Kagosima, the port of Satsumaat which these Portuguese merchants first touched, isnot a place adapted for carrying on a large trade. It is toofar out to sea, and cut off from the interior (which is notfertile) by high ranges of hills. The port offered by Owotomowas much better suited to their views. It is in theheart of the inland sea, well sheltered, and, at the sametime, having water-communication with the extensive fringe[111]of coast bordering that sea. The island of Sikok, the mostfertile part of Japan, was within easy access. The wholeof the western part of Nippon and the island of Kiusiu couldbring their products to this port by water, while intercoursewith Osaka and the capital was comparatively easy. Theobjection to Kagosima applies equally to Nagasaki, whichis cut off from trading communication with the interior ofthe country by the difficulty both of its water and land approaches.The family of Owotomo had gradually risen towealth and power in the island of Kiusiu, and at the timethe Jesuits arrived, the Lord or Tono, called by them Francis,was the greatest of the feudal chiefs then ruling in the island.

1545. Miako was reduced by war and fires to such a statethat it became impossible to live in it; whoever did attemptto live there ran the risk of being burned, killed, or starved.The Koongays left, and generally settled under the protectionof some feudal chief in the provinces.

1548. The Shiogoon, who had fled to Sakamoto, returnedto Miako, and Hossokawa was appointed Kwanrei.

1549. Mioshi tchokay, called Mioxindo no in the “Historyof the Church” (or Naga Yoshi), took up arms againstHaru moto and the Shiogoon party, and the latter fled againto Sakamoto, about twelve miles from Miako. Nobu hide,father of Nobu nanga, died, leaving him, his son, heir of allthe possessions he had acquired. Francis Xavier, then atMalacca, whither he had gone with the fondness for changeand excitement which seemed to have characterized his career,met with some of those who were returning to Japan.He immediately determined to visit it. He arrived in theyear 1549, and left it again in 1551, disappointed and disheartenedwith the realities of missionary work. In the“History of the Church” it is said, in 1549 (p. 72): “Onthe way from Amangutchi (Yama ootchi) to Miako the wayswere infested with soldiers, by reason of troubles betweenthe Dairi and Cubo. Miako inspired Xavier with the desireof planting there the standard of Christ, but the effect didnot at all answer his expectations. Miako, which signifies[112]a thing worth seeing, was no more than the shadow of whatit formerly had been, such terrible fires and wars had laidit waste, and the present condition of affairs threatened itwith total destruction. All the neighboring princes werecombined against the Cubosama, and nothing was to beheard but the noise of armies. However, he endeavoredto gain an audience from the Cubosama and Dairi; but hispoverty made him contemptible. It required 10,000 caixesto gain an audience. To comfort himself he preached in thestreets; but the town being full of confusion, and the thoughtsof every man taken up with reports of war, none listened tohim. After a fortnight’s stay, hearing that the Dairi boreonly the name of a monarch, and that the Cubo was absoluteonly in the Tensa and Gokinai, he saw it was nothingbut lost labor and expense to have his leave to preach overall Japan when he was not master.”

1550. Yoshi haru, late Shiogoon, died. Mioshi tchokayburned Hingashi yama, or Hiyay san, a collection of monasteriesand temples near Miako.

1551. O-ooji was attacked by the forces of one of hisown officers, Suyay haru kata, who obliged him to fly, andhe committed suicide with several high Koongays who wereresiding under his protection. This Suyay had promisedOwotomo, chief of Boongo, to give back to his youngerbrother, Yoshi Naga, the command in the province of Suwo.At the death of O-ooji the seal under which trade with Chinahad been carried on was lost, and the trade suspended.

1552. At this time the religion of Christ was brought,according to native accounts, by “Nan bang,” foreignersfrom the south, to Boongo. The period at which this eventtook place was worthy of note. Japan had been for yearstorn by rival factions, and by the contests of men intriguingfor power. The Emperor was powerless, and reduced bypoverty and neglect to a position bordering on contempt.The eastern court at Kamakura retained some portions of itsformer power, and was at least a hotbed where schemesmight be hatched for overthrowing either the power of the[113]court of Miako, or that of some of the neighboring princes.Yedo was almost unknown, except as a village dependencyof the castle. The western provinces were under the swayof independent chiefs, while the island of Kiusiu hardlyacknowledged the authority of the Mikado. A small beginningof commerce with China had been going on for someyears past, and was conducted with Ningpo. It was notlikely, therefore, that at the first landing upon Tanegasimathe country and people of Japan were unknown to the Portuguesebuccaneers upon the coast of China. Not manyyears had elapsed since China had been first visited by thePortuguese, and Liampo or Ningpo was their northern port.If Mendez Pinto is to be credited, there were 800 Portuguesethen living near that city under their own laws; but if hisaccount of the doings of his countrymen in China be correct—andit is in many things corroborated by concurrent testimony—themen who sailed about these seas were not exactlythe men best suited to spread a healthy commerce, or topropagate correct notions of the Christian religion. Theywere the buccaneers of that day, and mixed up their businessof piracy and murder with trade and religion in a strangemedley. The vast opening consequent upon the doubling ofthe Cape induced these men to push their discoveries furtherand further. Europe had just been convulsed by the throesof delivery of the Church of Rome. Twin children had beenborn by the Reformation to the Church, and the schismaticoperations of Luther without gave rise to the crafty strengtheningprocess of Loyola within the Church. The propagandistzeal of Jesuitism at this period put forth her strengthto reap the harvest in Japan; but the bane of the Church ofRome pursued her here, and her desire to make the kingdomof Christ of this world brought to naught all her schemes.The Inquisition was in full operation in Portugal and Spain,where John III. and Philip II. directed the missions of theChurch; and the same zeal was carried into India and alltheir foreign possessions. The whole power, political andecclesiastical, in the East, was allowed by other nations to[114]be in the hands of the King of Portugal: without his permissionno bishop could be appointed; no episcopal see createdwithout his consent; and he retained the right of fillingup vacancies in every see. No European missionary couldgo to the East without his sanction, and with that only in aPortuguese vessel; and no bull or brief from the Holy Seewas of any effect in the East until it had received the approbationof the King, who in return was supposed to protectand support the Church of Rome. This was known as theProtectorate of the Crown of Portugal, and was annuallyconfirmed by Papal bulls, in which was inserted a clausewhereby the Pope annuled beforehand every bull which anyone of his successors might issue to the contrary. Such wasthe epoch at which the Portuguese arrived in Japan.

1553. Mioshi attacked and killed Hossokawa, the ministerof the Shiogoon, and the following year attacked Miako,whence the Shiogoon fled to Tanba.

1555. Fighting was going on between Mowori moto nari(ancestor of Mowori Daizen no diaboo) and Suyay haru taka,who had killed his lord O-ooji. Mowori was victorious, andgained possession of all the “middle or central provinces”west of Miako—laying the foundation of the wealth andpower which remain to the family to the present time. Anembassy was sent this year to Japan from China, to complainof pirates from the island of Kiusiu who were ravaging thecoasts of China.

1557. The Emperor Gonara died. Nobu nanga put todeath his own younger brother Nobu yuki.

1558. Oki matchi ascended the throne at forty-two yearsof age. At this time Hideyoshi, better known as Taikosama, as a young man became an officer in the service ofNobu nanga.

1559. Etsingo Nangao Kage tora, a large feudal chief,went to Miako from his province of Etsingo to pay his respectsto the Emperor, and to claim his installation into theoffice of Kwanrei, when his name and designation waschanged to Ooyay Soongi teru tora.

[115]1560. Ima ngawa, lord of Suruga, was one of the chiefswho were competing for power. He had raised a large forceand met Nobu nanga, who was not inclined to face him witha small number such as he then had with him; but Hideyoshipersuaded him to join issue, and by skill and stratagemthey defeated and killed Ima ngawa, and Nobu nanga tookpossession of all his territory.

1561. Iyeyas was infeft by Nobu nanga in the provinceof Mikawa, and made the castle of Okasaki his residence.

1562. Mowori moto nari and Owotomo Boongo no kami,or Zo rin (the great patron of the foreigners in Kiusiu), wereat war, which was terminated by the interference of the Shiogoon,who sent down a messenger to restore peace, througha matrimonial alliance and enlargement of Owotomo’s territories.

1563. Fighting was going on in the neighborhood of Yedobetween Sattomi, who possessed large territories in Awa andOwota, on the one side, and Hojio of Odawara on the other.A great battle took place between these chiefs at Kowunodai,near Yedo, in which Sattomi was defeated. The defeat tookplace upon the 9th of the ninth month, a festival-day all overJapan. Since the defeat, Kanagawa and Kawasaki, thenbelonging to Sattomi, have held the festival on the 19th.Mowori Motonari this year completely defeated Amako, thelord Idzumo, and absorbed his territories, thus becoming lordof ten provinces.

1564. Nobu nanga killed his father-in-law Seito Do Sang,the lord of Mino, and seized all his territory, and changedhis own residence, which had been hitherto in Nagoya inOwarri, to Gifoo in Mino.

In 1565 Matza naga hissa hide (Daxandono, or properlyDanshio, in “History of the Church”) and Mioshi attackedYoshi teru, Shiogoon, who was surprised, and committedsuicide. His younger brother Yoshi aki fled to Oomi, shavedhis head, and became a priest. The grandson of Yoshi dzumiaimed at the position of Shiogoon. To oppose the designs ofMioshi, who was attempting to assassinate him, Yoshi aki[116]joined Nobu nanga, who put him into the post of Shiogoonin 1568, and they together attacked and defeated Mioshi.

1569. Nobu nanga found it necessary to begin a crusadeagainst the Buddhist priests, and their wealthy and powerfulestablishments. He attacked and routed and killed Kitabatake, the lord of Isse. He built a palace for the Emperor,but it was so small and shabby that the Emperor would notinhabit it, but lived in the temple of Kammo, near Miako.This year the palace and castle of Nijio was built in Miako,and has since been occupied by the Shiogoons as their metropolitanresidence.

1570. Nobu nanga was fighting with the lord of theprovince of Etsizen, Asakura, who was defeated, and histerritories seized by Nobu nanga.

At this time Nobu nanga, Hideyoshi, and Iyeyas found ittheir interest to be friends. Hideyoshi had grown up as anofficer in Nobu nanga’s army, and both are said to have beenjealous of Iyeyas (known as a young man as “Sing Koong”),probably discerning at this early time superior administrativetalents, as well as a reticence which may have displeasedthem. He is said to have been put forward by them intodifficult positions to get rid of him, but the vigor of his characterincreased by overcoming the obstacles in his path. Hewent to the province of Oomi at the time Nobu nanga wasfighting with the troops of Asayee and Asakura at Anegawa,and by his timely assistance turned the fortune of the day.

1571. The Buddhist priesthood had at this time arrivedat the height of their power. The arrival of the RomanCatholics, and the spread of their doctrines, was probablyhailed by many as a relief from the extravagant pretensionsand power of the monasteries, and it was hoped that theymight in some measure balance the power of the Buddhistpriesthood. All over the country these monasteries had becomevery wealthy. The monks, bonzes, or bozans, werevery numerous, and their retainers and dependents formedan army sufficiently powerful to cope with any single chief.The policy of the Roman Catholics seems to have been from[117]the first of an aggressive character, attacking vehementlythe native priests, abusing their characters, and getting updiscussions in public, and thus unnecessarily irritating a verypowerful body in the kingdom. Nobu nanga was very jealousof the power of these Buddhist monasteries, and hatedthe priests. He therefore gave his countenance to thesenewcomers, who were delighted, as thinking it showed azeal for their mission, while, in truth, it was only to gratifyhis hatred of the native bozans. He suddenly fell upon thelargest of the monasteries, the Hiyaysan, also called by theearly writers Freno yama, and Hiyay no yama. The groundsare said to have been of great beauty, near the lake of Oomi,and inclosing thirteen valleys; and at the time the Jesuitsarrived in the country there were said to be 500 templeswithin the area of the monastery. Nobu nanga burned allthe temples and massacred the priests. These latter hadbeen joined by some of Nobu nanga’s late opponents, buthe defeated them all.

1572. Takeda Singeng, at Mikatta nga harra in Tootomi,was fighting with Iyeyas. A great mortality had takenplace in the force of the latter, and he was nearly overcome,and in great danger, but finally conquered.

The same year the Shiogoon Yoshi aki became embroiledwith Nobu nanga, who arrested him and put him in prison,thus bringing to a termination the real power of the Ashikangafamily.

During the year Iyeyas was beaten by Takeda nearMitske; he was obliged to fly, and was pursued acrossthe Tenrio River to a village, Hamamatchi. During thenight he heard music, and creeping up with some of hismen to listen, they saw Takeda himself sitting enjoying themusic, when one of Iyeyas’s men fired at him with a musket.He was wounded and gave up the pursuit. He lingered awhile, but at length died of the injury.

1574. All over the country Roman Catholic temples werebeing built, exciting the Buddhist priesthood to wrath.

1575. At Nanga shino, in Tootomi, there was some smart[118]fighting between Katzu yori, son of Takeda Singeng, andIyeyas, as officer of Nobu nanga. Katzu yori was verypowerful, and had a large army with him of well-trainedsoldiers, and Nobu nanga was afraid to fight; but Iyeyasdeclared that if he would not fight he himself would joinKatzu yori.

1576. Hideyoshi was sent by Nobu nanga to Kiusiu andthe west provinces. As a whim, he this year made a newname for himself out of the half of the names of two of Nobunanga’s officers, Shibata and Niwa, and calling himself Hashiba,a name by which he is frequently spoken of by theJesuits.

1576. Nobu nanga built the castle of Azutchi (calledAnzuquiama in “History of the Church”) in the provinceof Oomi; a castle which now belongs to Ee kamong noKami.

1577. Matz nanga hissa hide, known in the “History ofthe Church” as Daxandono, was killed by Nobu nanga.

1578. Hashiba hide yoshi was this year fighting withMowori teru moto, known to the Jesuits as the King ofAmanguchi, and the island of Kiusiu was devastated bywar between Owotomo, son of the Jesuits’ friend, and Shimadzuof Satsuma, the result being that Owotomo was defeatedand his territory much diminished.

1579. The two Buddhist sects, Jodo shiu and Nitchi renshiu, held a great discussion upon religion before Nobunanga at Azutchi, known as the “Azutchi rong.”

Akitchi mitzu hide, one of Nobu nanga’s best officers,seized the province of Tanba. The Ikko shiu, a Buddhistsect, was very powerful at this time, and had possession ofthe castle of Osaka, then known as the temple of Hoonganji.Nobu nanga, by one of his generals, had been long besiegingit, and had failed in taking it. In 1580 he called in the persuasiveinterference of the Emperor, and a compact wasfinally made, under which the priests consented to give upthis strong fortress, which has ever since remained in thehands of the executive power.

[119]1581. Hideyoshi this year overran the province of Harima,destroying the castle of Miki, and began to build thechateau of Himeji for himself in that province; while Nobunanga, assisted by Iyeyas and Hojio of Odawara, completelydemolished the power of the Takeda family in Kahi.The war is known as the “Ten moku san” war, from theplace where Takeda concealed and destroyed himself. Thetie between Nobu nanga and his generals seemed to havebeen very slight, and he does not appear at any time tohave been considered ruler of the country. On more thanone occasion Iyeyas threatened to leave him and throw hisweight into the opposite scale. In a portrait drawn of Nobunanga in the “History of the Church,” he is described as“a prince of large stature, but of a weak and delicate complexion,with a heart and soul that supplied all other wants;ambitious above all mankind; brave, generous and bold, andnot without many excellent moral virtues; inclined to justice,and an enemy to treason. With a quick and penetratingwit, he seemed cut out for business; excelling in militarydiscipline, he was esteemed the fittest to command an army,manage a siege, fortify a town, or mark out a camp, of anygeneral in Japan, never using any head but his own: if heasked advice, it was more to know their hearts than to profitby their advice. He sought to see into others and to concealhis own counsel, being very secret in his designs; he laughedat the worship of the gods, convinced that the bonzes wereimpostors, abusing the simplicity of the people and screeningtheir own debauches under the name of religion.”

This is the character given of him by the Jesuits, whoconsidered him a friend to their cause and had some hopesof him as a convert. It agrees in the main with the picturesdrawn of him by the Japanese. Hating the Buddhistpriests, he patronized the Jesuits as a counterpoise, encouragingthem to build even in the neighborhood of his ownpalace at Azutchi. Under the encouragement thus given,the Jesuit priests rose to favor and power at court. Theefforts of the fathers to extend their influence were crowned[120]with success, and at this date the position of the church isdescribed as follows: “Father A. Valignan, superior ofJapan, for convenience of government, divided Japan intothree parts. The first and principal is that island whereMiako stands. They had there three residences of the Society—Meaco,Anzuquiama (Azutchi-yama in Oomi) andTakacuqui. In the residence of Miako were two brothersand two fathers, who preached and celebrated the divinemysteries daily in a very fair church. In Anzuquiama theyhad two fathers and two brothers; the first of these tookcare of the church, and of all the Christians round about;the other instructed the young gentlemen in the seminary,teaching them their Catechism, and to read and write inLatin, Portuguese and the language of the country. InTakacuqui (Itami in Setzu) there was only one father andone brother. Justo Ucondono (Takayama), governor of theplace, built in it a very handsome church and house forthe fathers, and furnished them with all the necessaries fortheir families. About three leagues off were the churchesof Vocayama, Fort Imori in Kawadsi, and Sanga—all dependenciesof this residence. Two leagues from Sanga, DonSimon Tagandono (Tango no Kami), lord of Yao, had eighthundred subjects, all Christians. There were also greatnumbers of them in Amangutchi, but without any church,it being expressly against the king’s pleasure.

“The second part of Japan is that which they commonlycall Ximo (Kiusiu). There the Christians had most churches,and the Jesuits most houses. In the city of Funay, the metropolisof Bungo, there were both a college and a university,where they took degrees of masters of arts and doctors ofdivinity. There were twenty Jesuits in the college. Thenoviceship stood at Vosuqui, where King Francis (i.e.,Owotomo Boongo no Kami) resided. Besides, they hadtwo residences—one at the valley of Ju, some seven leaguesfrom Funay, and another at Nocen—and these four housesfurnished the whole country with evangelical missionaries.Moreover, they had a house at Facata, in the kingdom of[121]Chicuzen, that was tributary to Bungo; but Aquizuqui, havingmade himself master of that country, soon beat themout of those quarters. The kingdom of Chicungo, borderingupon Chicuzen, had only one church, which was governedsince Riozogi’s conquest by a devout Christian, that princebeing unwilling to entertain any Jesuits in his states. Inthe kingdom of Fingo, which Aquizuqui and Riozogi partedbetwixt them, there were two houses of the Society—one inAmacusa and the other at Fort Fundo; and these two residencestook charge of above twenty other churches in thatcountry. As for the island of Xequi (Ko Siki), which standsupon the confines of Amacusa, they had only one church,with near 5,000 Christians, who were governed by one ofthe inhabitants; for the lord of the place, though he was topermit the fathers to visit them, would not hear of fixing aresidence; which obliged the Christians, on the more solemndays, to come over to the church of Amacusa.

“In the kingdom of Goto (the five small islands to thewest of Japan), since Don Lewis’s death, there was neitherchurch nor house, the uncle and tutor to the young princebeing, as was said, a most professed enemy to all religion.The King of Firando, indeed, though a heathen, was contentto receive two priests and two others for the benefitof the Christians, and chiefly his uncle and son, Don Johnand Don Anthony.

“As for the kingdoms of Omura and Arima, religionflourished there above all other parts, Bungo only excepted.The fathers had three houses in Omura, one in Omura itself,where the King kept his court, another at Nangasak, and athird at Curi, and out of these three churches they visitedforty several churches, and had charge of some 50,000Christians that were in that kingdom. In Arima they hadthree residences: one in the city of Arima, with five Jesuits,whereof two had care of the seminary for educating youngnobles, among whom was the King of Fiungas’ son, cousin-germanto the King of Arima, and the rest, all of themsons to the chief lords in the country; the second at Arie;[122]and the third at Cochinozi, a most celebrated port forcommerce.

“In the kingdom of Saxuma, where St. F. Xaveriuslanded at his first entrance into Japan, there were somefew Christians whom the fathers visited by times, being allbanished by the bonzes, who acted by the King’s authority.They reckoned in the kingdom of Ximo upward of 30,000Christians.

“The third part of Japan (Sikok) contains only four kingdoms,and of these only the King of Tosa received the faith.So Father Alex. Valignan, at the end of his visit, upon hisreturn to the Indies, left 150,000 Christians in Japan, 200churches and 39 religious of his own order, besides severalable, young and virtuous Japonians who helped to instructthe new Christians.”

In 1582 Nobu nanga was gradually overrunning all Japan.He had given the revenues of the island of Sikok to his son,Nobu taka. “This year he built at Azutchi a splendid temple.In this temple he collected idols of all the gods of Japan,and placed in the midst a statue of himself, calling it Xanthi;i.e., supreme ruler. He then, like Nebuchadnezzar, issuedan edict prohibiting any one from worshiping any other idol,and ordered all to resort to this place on his birthday to worshipthis representation of himself. The first that adoredwas his eldest son. The nobility followed, and then thegentry and people in their course.” This idol is said tobe in existence at the present day. Nobu nanga, after thispublic adoration of his statue, returned to Miako. Akitchimitzu hide had been one of his most prominent and successfulgenerals, and was at this time in the neighborhood ofthe capital. Nobu nanga had dispatched a large body oftroops to assist Hashiba Hideyoshi in his operations in thewest. Whether Akitchi aspired to the position occupied byNobu nanga, or was really jealous and hated him, in commonwith others, as a tyrant, or, as some relate, smartedunder the insult of being struck by Nobu nanga over thehead with a fan, is doubtful. But “when he saw that the[123]guards and forces under the immediate command of Nobunanga were so diminished in number that he was left nearlyunprotected, he took advantage of what seemed to him anopportunity. He had been ordered by Nobu nanga to takea large body of troops under his command to join Hideyoshi.Accordingly, he marched, but, instead of taking the route indicated,he took aside some of the captains whom he knewto be dissatisfied with the government, discussed with themhis design, and gained them over by declaiming against theviolence, oppression, and tyranny of Nobu nanga, accusinghim of destroying the gods and murdering the priests, andconcluding by promises of wealth stored up in the castle ofAdzutchi yama. He then suddenly wheeled round upon Miako,surrounding Honnoji, where Nobu nanga was residing,before he was aware of any danger. All the avenues wereclosed—no escape was left for him. He was washing hisface when the news came that the troops had invested theplace, and opening a window to see what was the matter,they poured in a shower of darts and wounded him betweenthe shoulders. The place was soon in flames, and his bodywas consumed with the building. Thus died Nobu nanga,at forty-nine years of age, a little after he took upon himselfthe title of god, and had made himself be adored by hissubjects.”

Nobu nanga was by birth of higher origin than his successor,Taikosama, and, as the son of a feudal prince, had,at a time when might gave right, some pretension to rule.Descended from Kio mori, he was of the Taira family, thatclan which had contested so long with the Minnamoto forthe executive power in the empire. No question of familyorigin entered into his rise or brought about his fall. Asan individual, he rose to power through his military talents;and probably from want of administrative ability failed tostrengthen himself, or insure to his sons the succession ofthe position to which he had risen. The period of his rulewas signalized by the rise and success of the Jesuits, whomhe countenanced, according to their own showing, rather[124]from hatred to the Buddhist priests than from love for thedoctrines of Christianity, or respect for the Roman Catholicpriesthood. When he died, the tide of prosperity turnedand ebbed till it gradually swept the whole doctrines, priests,and proselytes from the shores of Japan.

Akitchi mitsu hide, who had thus removed the master-spiritof Japan, was not the man to take the vacant seat.Apparently an able second, a successful lieutenant, he waswanting in every quality for command. He had gained overthe troops placed in his charge by the promise of plunder.He marched them upon the city of Azutchi-yama, whereNobu nanga had stored up the treasures he had accumulatedduring many years, and in three days squandered the wholein largesses to those under his command.

CHAPTER IV
GOVERNMENT OF TAIKOSAMA

By the sudden and unexpected removal of the keystoneof the arch, there was left a blank to be filled up. It maybe said that on either side was a stone ready for the purpose.On the one side, Hideyoshi, in command of a powerful army,and he himself with a great reputation as a leader and engaged,on the part of Nobu nanga, in a war with Mori, princeof the ten western provinces; on the other, Iyeyas, firmlyseated as ruler over eight provinces, and hardly acknowledgingany submission to the executive at Miako, also in commandof an army and fighting on the side of Nobu nangaagainst Hojio, lord of Odawara. Had the succession beenleft to the son or sons of Nobu nanga, there was every prospectof a continuance of the same state of anarchy and war.No one of the three was competent for the post. The eldest,indeed, had perished with his father, leaving a son, a child,[125]San hoshi. The third, Nobu taka, was lord of the island ofSikok and its four provinces. Nobu wo, lord of Owarri, thesecond son, took part with Hideyoshi.

Iyeyas Mikawa no kami seems, during his career, to haveoccupied a position apart in the empire. This is attributedby his countrymen to a recognition by Nobu nanga andHideyoshi of his great talents as a general in commandduring war, they being always either jealous or afraid ofhim. He had been nearly uniformly successful in war, evenwhen fighting against great odds. They had put him intodangerous positions in the hope of getting rid of him, buthe had always come out of them with additional credit andinvariable success. He was ready to obey and equal to command.Unwilling to thrust himself forward, he could bidehis time, and was prepared for any emergency. He wasborn of a good family, but had cut out for himself a position;and, in the general scramble for landed possessions atthis period, had laid a solid foundation in the province ofSuruga and Mikawa and some portions of other provinces.He had already been advanced to high rank by the Emperor.He resided at Hamamatz, in Towotomi, where he held overthe Kwan to supreme sway, with which Taikosama did notthink it wise to interfere.

Hideyoshi, as has been related, was of low origin, andhis birth and lineage a matter of obscurity; but in such estimationare some sorts of pedigree held in Japan (as in otherplaces) that he contrived to make it appear that his motherwas pregnant with him before she married his reputed father,Kinoshta mago yaymong. According to his own accounts,his mother was daughter of Motchihagee, a Koongay, andduring the troubles she was obliged to fly, and, falling intogreat distress, married Kinoshta. She married a secondhusband, Tchikoo ami. Before her second marriage, sheone night dreamed that she had conceived by the sun, andthence her child was called Hi yoshi maro. He was commonlycalled Ko chikoo (small boy). His face was small,and he was like a monkey, whence he got the nickname of[126]Saru matz; and, even long afterward, when he was Kwanbakku,he was called Saru Kwanja, or monkey with a crown.When a child, he was very cunning and reckless, and livedon the streets. A story is told of him lying asleep on a bridgein Okasaka. Among others who passed was Hiko yay mong,a noted robber from Owarri. He gave the boy a kick, andasked him his name. He said, “Saru matz. This is thepublic road, and is as much mine as yours. Who are you?”He said, “I am Hiko yay mong.” “Well,” says the boy,“Hiko is a thief and a robber, and I have as good a right tobe here as he.” He long afterward made Hiko a Daimio—thefamily as Hatchiska existing to the present time. Hewent, when ten years of age, to Hama matz, where his master,observing the talent in the boy, recommended him toturn a soldier. He afterward entered the service of Nobunanga, and called himself Kinoshta Tokitchiro. When herose in military rank, he took the name of Hashiba HideyoshiTchikuzen no kami. In 1583, upon the death of Nobunanga, he rose rapidly in imperial rank from lieutenant-generalto be Naidaijin and Kwanbakku. As it was unheard-ofpresumption in any one not of the Fusiwarra family beingKwanbakku, he asked, extorted, or adopted this family namefrom the Emperor. But he seems never to have used it, andis known by that of Toyo tomi, given him by the Emperor.In no long time after, he rose to be Dai jo dai jin. He wasKwanbakku during seven years, when he retired under theusual title of Taiko, given to that officer on retiring, and wasknown by the name of Taiko sama, or the Taikosama. Afterthe destruction of Azutchi, the city of Nobu nanga, Hideyoshifixed upon Fusimi and Osaka as his places of residence, takingpossession of the castle of Osaka, which commands thetown, adding to its strength by immense fortifications, andbuilding in the center a palace of great magnificence. Thiscastle had formerly belonged to one of the powerful Buddhistsects, and had been wrested from them by Nobu nanga. Bycommand of Taikosama, immense canals were dug, and, byartificial means, smaller rivers were led into that flowing[127]past Osaka, by which, the importance of the town as a commercialcapital, as well as its strength as a fort, was materiallyincreased. In Miako he built another magnificentpalace, known as Jui raku; and had another at Fusimi,between Miako and Osaka. He had married, during hisyouth, a woman of his own rank. He afterward marriedthe daughter of Fusi yee; and, thirdly, the daughter ofGamo Hida no kami. His fourth wife was the daughterof Kio goku; and the fifth, the daughter of Mayedda ofKanga; and, lastly, Yodo hime dono, daughter of AzaiBizen no kami, of whom the Jesuit letters speak as KitaMandocoro “quæ est primaria Taici conjunx carissima eratet conjunctissima.” But notwithstanding this plurality ofwives, it was never pretended that he had a son till his oldage. He had a stepbrother, Hide nanga, and a stepsister,who married Musasi no kami, and had two sons, Hidetsoongu(who was adopted by Hideyoshi) and Gifoo shosho. Another stepsister had a son, Hide toshi, who wasadopted by Hide nanga. Hidetsoongu (nephew of Taiko byhis stepsister), who was afterward Kwanbakku, was firstadopted by Miyoshi Yamashiro no kami, and afterward byTaikosama. Taikosama also adopted Hideyuki kingo, sonof Kinoshta, the brother of his wife.

The following account of Taikosama is taken from theletters of the Jesuits: “This man (Faxiba, or Hashiba), whowas most certainly immoderately ambitious, seeing his masterdead, and with him his eldest son, who had left only onechild not full three years old; moreover, finding the secondson to be but a weak man, and the third destitute both offortune and strength to make head against him, he believedit would be easy to content him by a donation of some government,and so the way was fairly open for himself to stepinto the throne. To carry on his design, he first sounded allthe officers of his army, and finding them tight to his interest,for a color of his ambition he took upon him the title oftutor and governor to the young prince and heir to the empire,and put him into a fortress with a train answerable to[128]his birth. Nobu nanga’s third son soon smelled out his design,and not able to brook one of his father’s subjects in thegovernment of his kingdoms, he leagued with several of thelords who were grown jealous of Faxiba’s power, and resolvedto make it a trial of skill; but Faxiba, who was anold experienced captain, and had good troops under him,easily defeated them, and put all to death that durst opposehis designs.” This is hardly correct, inasmuch as, thoughhe marched into the province of Mino in pursuit of Nobutaka, third son of Nobu nanga, and defeated him, he wasnot so successful in his action against Nobu wo, the secondson, in the year 1584. This latter, without much talent, hadwit enough to ask Iyeyas to assist him. He came to his assistance,and in the battles of Komaki and Nangakute, withgreatly inferior forces numerically, defeated, first, Hidetsoongu,Taikosama’s nephew, and afterward Taikosamahimself. Taiko thought it more prudent to make a compact,and having done so, retired to Miako, which Iyeyaspermitted him to do without further action.

“Among the confederates of Nobu taka was one Shibatadono, brother-in-law to Nobu nanga. He was besieged inthe fortress of Shibatta, and seeing no way of escape, he,having dined with his friends, wife, and children, and retainers,set fire to the castle, first killing his wife, his children,and the female servants; and his friends, followinghis example, afterward committed suicide, ‘and lay therewallowing in their blood till the fire kindled and burnedthem to ashes.’” Some of the arms and clothes which werefound unburned are said to be all kept to the present day asthey were found after this catastrophe.

“Faxiba, being now in peaceable possession of the Tense(or imperial provinces), and all Nobu nanga’s other kingdoms,to give color to his usurpation affected an affablesweetness, which charmed all that ever saw or heard him.None, besides the Christians, could in the least suspect thesincerity of his intentions; and not long after they, too,were quieted of all their fears; for, knowing very well how[129]respectful they had been to Nobu nanga, either out of realaffection, or for that he had no mind to make himself newenemies, he began to caress them, and gave them severalparticular instances of his favor. He knew the Christiansin his service to be famous, both for their piety and theircourage; and, above all, he showed a particular respect forJusto Ucondono (properly called Takayama oo konyay nokami), to whom he had been indebted for his good fortune.

“So when the fathers went to visit him, he treated themafter the same manner and with the same ceremony as Nobunanga had done before him; and for instance of his real intentions,he appointed them a place for building a churchand seminary (in Osaka), as was done before in Anzuquiama.The Queen, his lady, had also several of the Christiansamong her maids of honor, whom Faxiba particularlyrespected for their singular modesty and piety. He permittedthem to assist at mass and sermons, and was pleasedto show a liking when any of his subjects became Christians,which emboldened them to preach and exercise their otherfunctions with greater liberty than formerly, to the greatincrease of the faithful. Faxiba, who was advertised of it,far from being displeased, declared he would embrace theChristian religion himself were it but a little more indulgentto flesh and blood.”

Taikosama was feeling his way in the novel position inwhich he found himself after Nobu nanga’s death. TheJesuits did not know how their position might be affected.They had basked in the sunshine of court favor for someyears past; that might now be clouded over. The bozangs,or native Buddhist priesthood, had been standing in the coldshade for some years; they had everything to hope for in achange. There was not much to be feared from Sanhoshi,the infant grandson of Nobu nanga, as a claimant to thethrone. Mowori in the west was quiet. Iyeyas in the eastwas occupied in attacking Hojio of Odawara, who was supposedto be in opposition to the government. Hojio was superiorin the number of his forces, but inferior in the ability[130]of his commanders. The proverbial saying of an “OdawaraHio jio”—that is, an Odawara deliberation—took its originin the councils of war of Hojio at this time, which, with superiorforces, were protracted till Iyeyas attacked, defeatedhim, and took the Castle of Odawara.

In the year 1583 the Jesuit fathers prevailed upon theChristian converts Arima and Omura and Owotomo Boongono kami to send some young lords on a visit to the Pope.Four were sent, two of them being relatives of these lords,and the other two sons of nobles. They were all four boysof the age of from fifteen to sixteen. They took letters withthem to Pope Gregory XIII. Leaving Japan on February22, 1583, they, going by Macao and Goa, reached Lisbonon August 10, 1584, and after an interview with Philip atMadrid, arrived in Rome on March 20, 1585, where theywere received by the Pope, and kissed his feet. They re-embarkedat Lisbon the last day of April, 1586, with seventeenreligious of the Society, reaching Goa on May 29, 1587,and finally arrived in Japan in 1590, “eight years from theirfirst setting out,” bringing with them an Arabian horse,which had been presented to them by the Viceroy of India.

In 1583 Taikosama finished the fortress of Osaka, a workwhich consumed a great deal of money and occupied a greatnumber of men, and which, when finished, covered a muchlarger space of ground than that upon which the castle nowstands. During this year the island of Kiusiu was the theaterof war. Riozoji held an office, now done away with, asgovernor of the island. He had formerly been a vassal ofthe small lordship of Arima, but now had large landed possessionsin the island: and being too desirous of extendinghis own territory at his neighbors’ expense, they joined togetherand rooted him out.

In 1585 Taikosama received from the Emperor the familyname of Toyotomi. He called himself Fusiwara, andinsisted on the Emperor appointing him Kwanbakku. Hehad now had sufficient time to feel himself settled in hisposition; but he thought the native monasteries were still[131]too powerful, notwithstanding the demolition of Hiyayzan,the large monastery near Miako, and the slaughter of greatnumbers of priests by Nobu nanga, together with the appropriationas a castle of the large monastery in Osaka. Thesect of Negoros [Negroes in the Church of Japan] at Kumano,in the province of Kii, occupied a very large monastery,to which the whole of the province belonged in territorialright, the military retainers of the monastery beingnoted for prowess and skill in fighting. Taikosama havingfound or made some cause of quarrel moved against them,defeated them, and destroyed the monastery. Most of theseretainers were removed to Yedo, where to this day they formpart of the guard of the Shiogoon.

This year Taikosama sent Nobuwo to order Iyeyas tocome to Miako. He refused to come until it was arrangedthat Taikosama’s mother should come to Yedo as a hostageduring his absence, when Iyeyas went to pay his respects tothe Emperor. Mowori, lord of the western provinces, wasalso ordered to come to Miako to acknowledge Taikosamaas his superior, an order which he found it prudent to obey.In 1586 Iyeyas married the youngest sister of Taikosama.

A persecuting spirit showed itself among the Jesuitsvery soon after the departure of Francis Xavier. “Sumitanda,”they write, “King of Omura, who had become aChristian in accordance with a promise to that purpose incase his wife should have a child, about the year 1562, oronly thirteen years after the first arrival of a missionary inthe country, declared open war against the devils. He dispatchedsome squadrons through his kingdom to ruin all theidols and temples, without any regard to the bonzes’ rage.”All this, doubtless, was done by the advice and at the instigationof his instructors; and “in 1577 the lord of the islandof Amacusa issued his proclamation, by which all his subjects—whetherbonzes, gentlemen, merchants or tradesmen—wererequired either to turn Christians or to leave thecountry the very next day. They almost all submitted, andreceived baptism, so that in a short time there were more[132]than twenty churches in the kingdom. God wrought miraclesto confirm the faithful in their belief.”

All this time one of the most zealous as well as influentialamong the Christian converts was he who was known asJusto Ucondono, or Takayama oo konyay no kami. His seatwas Takaski, in the province of Setsu, where “he laboredwith a zeal truly apostolical to extirpate the idolaters out ofhis states, where the number was now fallen to 30,000. Hesent word that they should either receive the faith or be goneimmediately out of his country, for he would acknowledgenone for his subjects but such as adored the true God.This declaration obliged them all to accept of instruction,which cut out work enough for all the fathers and missionariesat Meaco.” Taikosama still continued his wontedfavors to the Christians, “saying one day, in a familiarway, that he would willingly become a Christian himself ifthey could dispense with him in polygamy.” In this waythe Roman Catholics set the example of intolerance, drivingthose opposed to them in religious belief out of the country.True disciples, and breathing the spirit of the Inquisition,then in full blow in Spain and Portugal, they would notallow within their own states that freedom under which thetree planted by them had taken root and was flourishing.

Takayama brought over as a convert, among others, theyoung admiral of Taikosama’s fleet—Don Austin, as he isknown to the Jesuits; Konishi, Setsu no kami, Yuki Naga,as his title is in native history. He and his father andmother were baptized in 1584.

Taikosama, wishing to keep Takaski, gave Takayama inits stead another estate, Akashi, in Harima; and as “soonas Justo had taken possession of it, his first thoughts wereto reduce it under the obedience of Christ. The bonzes,smelling his design, with their idols went to cast themselvesat the Queen’s feet. The Queen, touched with anardent zeal for her religion, spoke to the King in their behalf.But Faxiba, who was no bigot, answered her brisklythat he had absolutely given Justo that place in change of[133]Tacacuqui; and for the rest, every one was free to disposeof his own. Let the bonzes, if the idols be troublesome,drown them in the sea, or dry them for fuel. Don Justo,much pleased with Faxiba’s answer, took then a resolutionto oblige all his subjects to become Christians,” and thusfirst taught them a lesson which they afterward practicedupon himself. Justo had the merit, in his religious zeal, ofbeing unconnected with any seaport town. All the otherlords who had been brought over to the Roman Church werecompeting more or less for foreign trade—Boongo, Arima,Omura, Firando, Grotto; and though some of them seem tohave been sincere converts, others wavered with the riseand fall of exports and imports. Such, for example, maythe King of Boongo be called, when he returned the followinganswer to the bozangs: “These good fathers have beenthirteen or fourteen years in my kingdom. At their arrivalI had only three kingdoms; they are now swelled to five.My treasury was exhausted; it now exceeds any other princein all Japan. I had no male issue to succeed me, but nowHeaven has blessed me with heirs. Everything has succeededand prospered since they came among us. Whatblessing did I ever receive from your gods since I began toserve them? Begone! and never speak ill those I loveand respect.” This Boongo no kami on one occasion duringwar destroyed a most prodigious and magnificent templewith a colossal statue, burning 3,000 monasteries to ashes.“This ardent zeal of the prince is an evident instance of hisfaith and charity,” says the Jesuit writer.

This year, upon the occasion of the arrival of the FatherProvincial of Japan at Osaka, Justo and Austin demandedan audience for him with Taikosama. “To make the waymore easy, he exposed, according to the custom of the country,his presents for the King and Queen. He was introduced(his majesty accepting the presents) to Taikosamaseated on a magnificent throne, and was received by himwith the most marked kindness and condescension. Hecommended them for taking so long a voyage to publish[134]in those parts the law of their God. He gave them supper.After the collation he entertained them with a longdiscourse about his government, told them he intended tomake one-half of Japan embrace the Christian religion, andthat he had thoughts of passing into China, not to pillageand plunder the country, but to reduce it under the sweetyoke of his obedience. To this end he intended to put to seawith a fleet of 200 men-of-war. Moreover (and this is thegist of the conversation), he desired to hire upon any termstwo stout ships of Portugal, well armed and manned, andby means of the fathers made himself sure of gaining thispoint. After the conquest of China, he would build templesto the true God in all the cities and towns through his empire,and withal oblige his subjects universally by publicedict to become Christians.

“He afterward conducted them through his palace tothe ninth story of a pyramidal building, whence they hada beautiful view of the country around Osaka. He thenalluded to the famous discussion between F. Froes and theBuddhist high-priest, saying that at the time he was so incensedat the brute, the insolent bozang, that if he had beenin power he would have taken off his head.”

At this meeting the Provincial put in a petition to Taikosama,which he is said by the Jesuits to have granted; viz.,“That it should be lawful for them to preach the law of thetrue God through all his states, and his subjects free to embraceit. That their houses should be exempt from lodgingsoldiers. That, as strangers, they should be exempt fromall cesses and taxes which the lords do usually lay upon theirvassals. And he added to that, that he gave them licenseto preach, not only in his kingdoms, but through all Japan,as lords and sovereigns of the whole empire.”

Such being the inclinations and views of Taikosama towardthe Jesuits in the outset of his reign, by what means, itmay be asked, was he brought to a change? The statementsof the Jesuits are the sole authority for this part of history;but they seem to have played their cards badly.

[135]“Religion in Japan within this thirty-eight years past,when St. Francis Xaverius sowed, the first seeds in that uncultivatedsoil, has now grown so fair and flourishing thatone might well compare it to an orange tree loaded on allsides with fruits and blossoms. It was a field cultivated bythe workmen of the vineyard, and watered with kindlyshowers from heaven, which gave fair hope of a rich andplentiful harvest. It was a ship under full sail drove bythe wind of the Holy Ghost, discovering daily new placesand countries.

“In the year 1587 they reckoned above 200,000 Christiansin Japan, among whom were several persons of distinguishedmerit—kings, princes, generals of armies, principal lords ofthe court, and, in a word, the flower of the Japonian nobility.Moreover, what by Cambacundono’s [Taikosama’s]esteem of our religion, and kindness to the missioners thatpreached it, and what by his contempt of the bonzes, whomhe persecuted with fire and sword, burning their temples andpulling down their idols wherever he came—what, also, byvesting the Christian lords in the most considerable placesof the government, and indulging liberty to all his courtto receive baptism, over and above, by erecting so manychurches to the true God, and so particularly countenancingthe fathers of the Society—the number of them dailyincreased. For, not content with sending frequently for thefathers to his palace, he went one day himself to visit theProvincial on board of his ship, and discoursed him after afamiliar way for several hours together. Not that he hadany thoughts of religion, for he was so proud that he pretendedequality with Divinity itself, but by this had a mindto gain a reputation among the princes of Europe.

“Nevertheless, these fair appearances put several of theprincipal lords in a humor of being instructed, and the numberof the proselytes was so great that the fathers couldrest neither day nor night. They were taken up continuallywith preaching, baptizing, and instructing such as earnestlydesired this sacrament, among whom was Cambacundono’s[136]own nephew, a prince about nineteen years of age, presumptiveheir to the crown.

“While the Church was in this profound peace, the devil,foreseeing an entire conversion of the whole empire must follow,raised such a furious tempest as drove the ship of theJaponian Church upon the rocks, and split it all to pieces.”So writes one of the Jesuit fathers. He then looks about tofind a reason for the foundering of the vessel, and finds itanywhere but in the pilots or officers of the ship. Theunlucky merchants, whether the failure be ecclesiastical orpolitical, are sure to be made the first scapegoats. Theirlives were so dissolute that the immaculate Taikosama washorrified. This not being completely satisfactory, it wasfurther found that “the scandal was so great that Cambacundono,who had notice of it, began to conceive an illopinion of the Christian religion, and concluded the fathersonly used it for a sconce to some underhand intrigue of reducingthe empire of Japan under the obedience of someChristian prince.” After these two preliminary reasons,the father goes on to assign other causes. “The first washis pride, which rendered him extremely sensible of the leastcontradiction.” At his interview with the Provincial atOsaka, above narrated, his object was to obtain some largeforeign vessels to transport troops to China. Hearing thatone had “arrived at Firando, he requested it might be sentround to Facata, in Boongo, that he might see it. The captainsaid it was impossible, owing to the draught of waterof the vessel. Taikosama seemed satisfied, but the samenight he sent orders to the fathers to depart from Japanwithin twenty days, and forbade them to preach the Gospelon pain of death.” To justify himself, he gave out that “hedid this because the Christian faith was contrary to the receivedand established religion of Japan, that he had longsince designed to abolish it, and only deferred the executiontill he had conquered Ximo [Kiusiu], where the Christians,being so numerous, might have formed a party against him.

“Besides,” says the father, “the main refusal, we discovered[137]afterward two main reasons that put him upon thisedict. The first was a design of ranking himself among thegods, by which he hoped to make himself be adored by allhis subjects as one of the chief conquerors of Japan. Nowknowing that none but Christians would dare to oppose him,he took a resolution of exterminating them forthwith beforethey could have time to make a party against him.

“The other cause of his aversion to religion was his ownlewd life and conversation. Because some of the Christianladies of Arima had rejected the proposal made by a bozangof entering his service, he was enraged against the wholereligion, and resolved to be revenged on the whole body ofChristians.” This bozang, Jacunin (or Shiaku), had probablybeen a resident on the estate of Takayama, or JustoUcondono, at Takaski, or at Akashi, and had smarted underthe severity of the treatment by Justo, in turning out ofhouse and home every one not of his way of thinking. Thispriest is said to have directed his master’s wrath againstTakayama. “All the forces in the empire being in his poweras general, and he the greatest bigot of the sect, it was wellif, under the mask of religion, he did not underhand forma league against the state.” The consequence was, that adispatch was immediately forwarded to Takayama, confiscatinghis estate, depriving him of his offices, and reducinghim at once to beggary. Takayama on the occasionseems to have displayed great magnanimity, and acted froma deep Christian feeling. He might have temporized anddallied till the wrath of Taikosama had cooled down, or hemight have committed suicide, as a native noble would havedone, and preserved his name as a hero and his estate to hisson. After prayer, the whole family—his father and mother,men, women, children, and servants—immediately put themselveson their way, with what little baggage they couldcarry. They found a retreat in the territory of Setsu nokami, Don Austin.

At this time Taikosama issued the following proclamation:“Being informed by the lords of our Privy Council[138]that certain foreign, religious were entered into our states,where they preach a law contrary to the established religionof Japan, and impudently presume to ruin the temples of theCamis and Fotoquis, though this attempt deserve the veryutmost severity, yet out of our royal clemency we do onlyhereby command them upon pain of death to depart fromJapan in twenty days, during which time it shall not belawful for any one to hurt them; but if afterward any ofthem shall be found in our states, our will and pleasure isthat they be apprehended and punished as in cases of hightreason. As for the Portuguese merchants, we give themfree leave to traffic and reside in our ports till further order;but withal we do hereby strictly forbid them, on pain ofhaving both their ships and merchandises confiscated, tobring over with them any foreign religious.”

That this change should sooner or later have come is notto be wondered at. That it should have shown itself so suddenlyis in accordance with Japanese ideas of policy andthe character of the Japanese mind. The empire had beenfor years, almost ages, torn by internal divisions amongsmall chiefs. The object of Nobu nanga had been to bringthem all into one under himself. His lieutenant, Taikosama,totally illiterate, though perhaps not more so thanthose around him, had been imbued with his master’sviews. The Buddhist monasteries had been hotbeds ofsedition and foci of disturbance, being at the same timelarge political and military powers of perhaps the secondrank, and they had made themselves obnoxious on differentoccasions by marked insolence to the generals, and even toNobu nanga himself. They had not even the justificationof having preserved (as monasteries did of old in Europe)the literature of the country, not one priest being able toread, or teach the rising generation the rudiments of thewritten character.

When the Jesuits appeared with meek and lowly appearance,Nobu nanga was charmed with the prospect of establishingthem as a counterpoise to the haughty and insolent[139]Buddhists. He nourished them, showering favors uponthem, and in every way encouraging them, more especiallyborne, as they were, on the wings of wealth and trade.They found Japan, so far as religions went, a free country,where all religions were tolerated so long as they didnot become aggressive. But they did not come from a freecountry. Their ideas were not those of religious tolerance.By a decree of Gregory XIII., January 28, 1585, all priestsand religious whatever except Jesuits were prohibited fromgoing to preach in Japan. This was confirmed by ClementVIII., March 14, 1597; and Philip II. of Spain wrote soonafter to his viceroy in the Indies to see the order punctuallyobeyed. This monarch was wielding the power as King ofPortugal. No priest could come to Japan without his sanction.He had the power of putting his veto on the appointmentsmade by the Pope. The fires of the Inquisition wereblazing. The wish of the Jesuits was, that those who differedfrom them in religious views should be burned as heretics,to be damned; their hope was that they themselves,holding the true faith, might be burned as martyrs, to bebeatified. Doubtless the archives of Simancas could unfoldmany a letter breathing such thoughts written from Japan,possibly noted by Philip’s own hand.

They had hitherto sailed with a fair wind. It may bebelieved, without going to the full length of taking everythingin their letters for truth, or, on the other hand, acceptingall that is said against them in the work “La Moralepratique des Jesuites,” or “L’Esprit de Mons. S. Arnauld,”that they had done some good. Many had been won overfrom a state of brutishness to submission in their daily walkand conversation to the precepts of the Gospel. Some hadgone through severe trials and persecutions, and had stoodfirm to their professions. Each of the lords of Boongo,Arima and Omura had suffered more or less for the faiththey professed. Though the fathers themselves give us aweapon to attack their conversions when they at one timeassure us that “to win the favor of Taikosama put several[140]of the principal lords in a humor of being instructed, andthe number of proselytes was so great that the fathers couldnot rest day or night preaching, instructing and baptizingsuch as earnestly desired this sacrament” (among whomwas Cambacundono’s own nephew, Hidetsoongo), it mightbe asked, What sort of converts were these? and how couldthese fathers abuse this sacrament in baptizing persons towin the favor of such a master?

But these fathers appear to have looked upon the bozangsas their personal enemies. They thought that it was theirspecial mission to root them out. They would not let thetares and the wheat, as they looked upon the respective parties,grow together. They attacked these priests whereverthey met them. Francis Xavier, at the commencement ofhis missionary life in Japan, visited these “bonzes, with thedesign, if it were possible, to convert them to Christ, beingpersuaded that Christianity would make little progressamong the people if they who were generally looked uponas oracles of truth opposed the preaching of the Gospel.”He declared himself much astonished that in Japan thepeople “have a profound respect for the bonzes; for thoughthey be conscious of their hypocrisy and debaucheries, yetat the same time they worship them like deities, and paythem all imaginable submission.”

One of the first duties of a missionary should be to learnthoroughly the religion of the people of the country to whichhe is sent. An acquaintance with Buddhism, and its tenetsand principles, would have been a very powerful weapon toconvince or to condemn these priests, without trying to holdthem constantly up to the scorn of their own people and followers.From the commencement of the Romish missionsa continued aggressive action appears to have been kept upagainst the Buddhist priesthood as individual men. Thelives and the morals, or the want of morals, of these menseem to have been the constant theme of the Jesuit addressesto the people.

It cannot be wondered at that a body which was politically[141]strong enough to cause uneasiness to the monarch of acountry like Japan should not sit quietly under such attacks.We have no objection to you making converts, they mayhave said; but when it came to breaking down temples anddestroying the images, a spirit of intense opposition wasaroused. But when to this a system of persecution wasadded—such as that pursued by Don Justo in his territories,when every one not of his religion was driven out, when theproperty of the temples was taken from them, and perhapsgiven to their opponents—only one end can be looked for;viz., that one party should be victorious over the other, andthat by a war to the knife, a struggle of life and death.The Buddhists were roused. They could live alongside ofConfucianism, or of Taouism in the Yamabooshi, or of thedifferent sects among themselves; but with the new sect,this Roman Catholicism, which broke its neighbor’s templesdown, abused him to his face, and then turned every one outwherever it had the power of doing so—the only method withit was to use its own weapons and turn it out—to root it outof the country.

This Inquisition mode of dealing could have ended in noother way. Japan was not Spain, as the Jesuits found out.

The Buddhists felt that they were worsted on both sides—bythe military power on the one side, which had defeatedtheir soldiers, burned their monasteries, confiscated theirlands, and appropriated their temples; by the Jesuits, whohad seduced their people, abused themselves, robbed themof their tithes and offerings, broken down their gods, andburned the temples, and were now attempting to make convertsin the palace itself, being in such favor as to be receivedby Taikosama as he received no other.

Taikosama was probably a proficient in the Japanese artof dissembling. At first he was doubtful to which party toincline; but when he had once made sure, after his defeatof the Negoros and seizure of their territory in Kii, that theBuddhists were thoroughly subdued, there could be littledoubt, knowing the man, but that he would not give it to[142]that which was threatening to be the cause of renewed disturbancein the empire, and whose emissaries thought theyhad a right to reprove him whenever it pleased them to doso. But it was Japanese policy to flatter them, to amusethem, to dissemble with them till the moment of making thespring. Inflamed by the Buddhist priests around him, hemade up his mind that the new sect must be rooted out. Inthe year 1586 Nagasaki was taken from the Prince of Omuraby Taiko, and made a government port and property. Atthat time, native history tells us, Satsuma and Owotomowere fighting. To this war Taikosama put an end. Some“battereng,” or padres, came to Tsikuzen to see Taiko. Hedid not like Roman Catholics. He found that two of hisown servants were of that faith; they were speared at thetemple of Hatchimang at Hakazaki. The padres were sentaway. Thirteen churches were destroyed. At that timethe province of Tsikuzen belonged partly to Owotomo andpartly to Satsuma. Taikosama took it from both, and gaveall Hizen and Tsikuzen to Nabeshima, formerly a servantof Riozoji, and whose descendants hold it to this day. Henow fixed that Nagasaki was to be the only place where foreigntrade was to be permitted.

The proclamation of 1587 caused the greatest dismay inthe minds of the Christians. The heads of the church determinedthat they would, at all hazards, keep their posts.They took refuge in the territories of Boongo, Arima, Omura,Firando and Amacusa, alleging that they were waiting untila ship was ready to take them away. When the time arrived,and the ship ready, the captain excused himself fromcarrying the fathers this year, as his ship was already over-laden,sending a letter to Taikosama, which did not reachhim for several months. He was very angry, and tookdown the churches in the neighborhood of Miako. At thesame time he ordered Don Austin to exchange his landsnear Miako for others in Kiusiu.

A meeting was held in Firando in August, 1587, at whichthe heads of the church decided that the proclamation of[143]Taikosama was not to be obeyed, but that prayers were tobe offered up, and that Christians were to keep quiet, in thehope that the storm might blow over.

The following character of Taikosama is given by one ofthe Jesuit writers: “He reigned in profound peace, and toconserve it he observed these rules in his government. First,After subduing his enemies, and an act of pardon, he neverput any one to death, as Nobu nanga, his predecessor, haddone, who never spared any of the great ones, which renderedhis government odious and cruel; but Taikosama notonly spared their lives, but further assigned them sufficientpensions to live on, which made them easy and well content.

“Secondly, He forbade all quarrels and private heats, ongrievous penalties, and whoever were found transgressing inthis kind were punished with death. If any of these fled,they punished the relations in his place; and in default ofrelations, his domestics; and in default of these his nextneighbors, who were all crucified for not preventing thedisorder. No doubt great injustice was committed by thismeans, and several innocent people suffered. But yet thefear of death made all zealous and careful to stifle theseanimosities and heats in their very birth, and forced themto live quiet.

“Thirdly, Though he was a tyrant, he would have justicedone immediately on all criminals, without regard tobirth, quality, services or any alliance whatever; and theparty, upon the first conviction of his crime, was put todeath out of hand, though he were one of his own relationsand of the very blood-royal itself. He was most lewdly addictedto women, nevertheless he pretended that none had aright to use these debauches but himself, and expressly forbadeany of his subjects to keep a concubine.

“Another means of preventing troubles was to keep bothsoldiers and gentry busy employed; for he put them uponbuilding palaces, raising fortresses, etc., knowing very wellthat the humor of the great ones is always restless and unquietif their thoughts are not taken up about other business.[144]As for the soldiers, lest idleness should effeminate them, hekept them always employed about his works.

“Moreover, besides the pensions allowed them for life, healso maintained them in the field, which kept them in submissionand dependence. As for kings, lords and governors,he made frequent alterations and changes to break theirmeasures, and hinder them from growing popular. Aboveall, he studied the humor and genius of his subjects; and ifany were found to be of a turbulent nature, he secured them,and by that put them out of the possibility of revolt in hisabsence.

“In fine, what rendered his government so peaceable,was his immense treasures; for by these riches he bound allhis subjects tight to his interest, keeping all in hopes, thoughhe never intended them any favors. These were his principalways and means of maintaining peace in his governments.”

A very little consideration of the position in which Taikosama,as ruler of Japan, was standing to these foreignersmust lead to the conclusion that he could take no other stepthan that which he had taken. They had come to the countryuninvited. They had found the country in the possession,so to speak, of a religion which had never shown apersecuting spirit. They had come in their own vessels.From the very outset they had displayed a hard, persecutingspirit, with a tendency to re-embroil the country in war,out of which it was only now emerging. They had insistedon every one coming into subjection to them, with the alternativeof leaving house and home in case of refusal. Theywere, as usual, now calling in the assistance of the temporalpower to force the yoke of their priestly supremacy on thepeople of Japan. Had Taikosama been able to send themaway in vessels of the country, he would no doubt have doneso. But having no vessels, he gave them the alternative ofliving peaceably in the country, or of leaving it. Theyforced the ruling powers of Japan, by their encroachmentsand persecuting system, to retaliate upon themselves, andthen gloried in considering themselves martyrs. They were,[145]in short, constituting themselves and their flocks, over whomthey, as priests, had no political authority, an imperium inimperio. They were teaching them to be rebels to theirown government, and the priests themselves were obligedto end in the spirit in which they ought to have commenced—aspirit of meekness among their enemies. It would seem,from old as well as from recent experience, that, for Christiansto live among heathens, it is necessary to have an “exterritoriality”power; but that is equivalent to saying simplythat the Christian power is the strongest, and it meansto enforce what it thinks right.

According to the resolutions of the meeting at Firando,the Roman Catholics kept quiet and in retirement in theseveral provinces in which they were settled.

The first of the line of Owotomo began as personal servantof Yoritomo; and a portion of Satsuma’s territory wasgiven to him, after which the family rose to greatness duringthe wars between the Emperors of the North and South.About 1374 they acquired a large territory in the northeastof the island of Kiusiu, covering the whole of Boongoand parts of Boozen and the adjoining provinces—Tsikugoand Tsikuzen. In the middle of the sixteenth century thisterritory included nearly one-half of the island. The familywas ruined in the persecution of the Roman Catholics. Theprincipality of Arima covered, at one time, the greater partof the province of Fizen. The territory, as was often thecase with small proprietors in feudal times, was at differenttimes enlarged and contracted. Latterly, it seems to haveincluded only the peninsula on which the town of Simabarrastands, and but little more.

Omura is the name of a town which stands on the land-lockedbay of the same name, in the province of Fizen,about twenty miles from Nagasaki; and the territory heldby the lord of that name included a strip of ground roundthe city, and the greater part of the peninsula on whichNagasaki stands. The family seems to have been an offshootfrom Arna, and never to have been of any great[146]power until the rise of Nagasaki, which no sooner becameof any value than it was taken from the lord by Taikosama,and has ever since remained government property.

The lord of Boongo, who had patronized the Jesuitpriests (“our Mæcenas,” as they call him), and afterwardhad been converted and baptized, had died in the year 1587.He had abdicated in favor of his son, but at one time resumedthe reins; but before his death had the pain of witnessingthe diminution of the family estates by powerfuland rapacious neighbors. His son, after losing part of hisestates and the favor of Taikosama, thought to regain bothby showing some activity in acting up to the recent proclamation.He was the first to commence the persecution ofhis father’s friends. Meantime, Taikosama returned toMiako, and seems to have forgotten his edict and theChristians altogether. Probably the truth is, that duringall this time, though he was annoyed by the Jesuits andtheir proceedings, he was working out in his own mindthe means of making an attack upon China. He saw inthe foreign ships easy means of transport, and, knowing theinfluence the priests exerted over the merchants, his hopeslay in keeping in with the former to obtain the assistance ofthe latter in his design. Some time after the promulgationof the edict, he received most graciously Father Valignan,Provincial of Japan and the Indies, as embassador from theViceroy of India, and as associate with the four young embassadorswho had returned from Europe.

The annexation of Nagasaki by government in 1590 wasa great blow to the Jesuits, inasmuch as it had been a sourceof wealth, through the lord of Omura, who was a Christian;and also, inasmuch as hitherto the governor had always beena Christian, and he was now exchanged for two heathens.The place had increased rapidly from the time the Jesuitsfirst went there, probably about 1575, when there were only500 houses in the place, till 1590, when there were 5,000 familiesresident, besides merchants and tradesmen who camethere in June from all parts on the arrival of the fleets.

[147]In the year 1592, Taikosama carried out the project hehad long been thinking on, viz., the invasion of Corea andthence of China, called in the letters “a foolish and temerariousenterprise, infinitely hazardous, if not morally impracticable.”It is difficult to see what motive existed for thisinvasion. Being a man of war from his youth, and knowingnothing else, he perhaps longed for new conquests. TheJesuit writers attribute it to a wish to use up the Christiansin the island of Kiusiu, as well as to get rid of—Uriah-like—someof the best generals of his army, who were believersin the new doctrines. Another reason they give was hiswish to rival the greatest hero of the empire, now worshipedas the god of war—Hatchimang—who had conqueredCorea through his mother. He made great preparations,giving out that he was going to lead the armyhimself. He handed over the power he held in Japan tohis nephew, Hidetsoongu, giving him, through the Emperor,the title of Kwanbakku. He appointed four generalsof the army, two of whom were Christians, Don Austin andKahi no kami, son of Don Simon; the two other generalswere Toronosuqui and Aki no kami. Under the two formerwere several Christian lords, Arima, Omura, Amacusa,Boongo, Tsussima, Don Austin’s son-in-law, and others,with an army of 40,000 men. The total number of mencollected, including seamen and tradesmen, was said to havebeen 300,000, a large number to supply with food, and onlypossible with an army fed nearly wholly upon rice. One-halfof the army, after a council of war, set sail from Nangoyain Fizen, and was landed at Fusancay or Fkusan, atthe southern extremity of Corea. Don Austin commandedthis division. In no long time he repeatedly defeated theCorean army and captured several fortresses. Taikosamaordered Toronosuqui and his half of the army to follow intoCorea without delay. He came up to the support of DonAustin, but, according to the Jesuits’ account, treacherouslyheld back his men that Don Austin might be defeated beforehe came to his support. The Coreans seem to have shown[148]no capacity for war, and in no long time nearly the wholefortresses of the kingdom were in possession of the Japanese.

Taikosama, according to the Roman Catholic authorities,still jealous of the body of Christians, especially after DonAustin’s success, collected 150,000 men out of Kiusiu, andsent them over to Corea, ordering the commander-in-chiefto return the vessels immediately in order that he mightfollow in the spring. This is said to have been a ruse toshut off their return.

Meantime the large force in Corea was being neglected;they were left without provisions or ammunition. Theirmen, deserting, were taken and killed, and at length DonAustin was forced to fall back, and, after several engagements,signed an agreement with the Coreans by which thelatter were to send two embassadors to Taikosama, and theJapanese were to retire, and only to occupy twelve forts onthe sea-coast. The Japanese army was computed to havelost 150,000 men. A truce was concluded, and embassadorsaccompanied Don Austin to Japan. The following demandswere made: 1. That eight provinces of Corea be handedover to Japan; 2. That the Emperor of China give one ofhis daughters to Taikosama; 3. That there should be a freetrade between the two countries, and that China and Coreashould pay Japan a yearly tribute.

In 1592, Lupus di Liano, a Spanish envoy, was dispatchedfrom Manila to lay complaints against the Portuguesebefore Taikosama. He was lost on his return withthe vessel in which he sailed.

In 1593 the governor of the Philippines sent over anotherenvoy. He took over with him four religious Recollects ofSt. Francis. These were the first arrivals in Japan of anyother order not of the Jesuit, with the exception of oneDominican, who accompanied the previous Spanish envoy.Among the presents was a Spanish horse richly harnessed.Among the presents brought by Father Valignan had beenan Arab horse. The blood of these presents has probablyinfluenced the breed in Japan.

[149]At an interview with Taikosama these Franciscans askedto see his palace. “With all my heart, provided you do notpreach in my states.” The religious, being resolved notto obey him, gave no promise, but made a low reverence.Shortly after, the governor of Miako sent to the Jesuit fathersto tell them to go on with their work of piety, butwith privacy and prudence. In consequence of this theyhired a house and met privately, none appearing in publicexcept two. “But the fathers of St. Francis thought notthemselves obliged to such condescendence. Their ardentzeal made them believe that such deference to the order ofthe sovereign was contrary to the liberty of the Gospel, andthat they ought to preach the faith despite of all laws to thecontrary.” They went to Taikosama and asked for someplace away from secular people to build a little house fortheir own private convenience. He did not carry his edictinto execution against them, but referred them to thegovernor of Miako, who assigned “them a very sweet seatwithout the walls of Miako, commanding that they shouldneither preach nor hold assemblies of Christians, accordingto Taikosama’s orders. But the fathers, without regard toeither the governor’s advice or Taikosama’s orders, builtimmediately both a church and a convent with a wall aboutit. Even the wise and more prudent among the Christiansadvised them to be seriously careful of what they were doing.The governor, hearing of it, sent and requested them to shutup their church.” He was obliged to inform Taikosama,saying, “He feared that these religious, who call themselvesembassadors from the Philippines, intend to preach like therest.” “They won’t,” replied he, in a passion, “if they bewise; for if they do, I’ll teach them to laugh at me.”

These Franciscans, thinking they were most successful,wrote to Manila for others to come over to assist them.They opened a church at Osaka, and designed to erect athird at Nagasaki. To this end they desired the governorwould obtain leave of Taikosama for two sick to change air.The governor said in case of health they were free to go[150]where they pleased. Upon this two went to Nagasaki, andbegan to say mass and preach publicly without any regardto the Emperor’s mandates.

The Jesuits were much surprised that these Franciscanfathers should fix a residence in their jurisdiction withouttheir consent; while the lieutenant-governor, having receivedstrict orders not to permit any service in the town,was in doubts what to do. He referred to the governor,and he, being alarmed for himself, ordered a note to betaken of every one who disobeyed the law, but said hewould apply for further instructions to Taikosama himself.Hearing from Miako that these men had asked and receivedpermission to go to Nagasaki on the plea of sickness only, heordered them out of his jurisdiction, which seems to be avery lenient course of treatment, considering the troublethat had already arisen out of this preaching.

The success of Konishi (Don Austin) in Corea seems atfirst to have operated in his favor. Taikosama was delighted;but as soon as this first feeling was over, alarmat thinking he was a Christian, and as such could commandthe services of a very large body of his countrymenat a word from the Jesuit priests, seems to have been themost prominent feeling in his mind. He knew by experiencethat the Buddhist priests had been able to keep thearmies of Nobu nanga at bay for several years. He thereforedissembled, and in the meantime he recalled Justo tocourt, and gave him a large pension.

At this time, however, another circumstance occurredwhich occupied his mind for a time. Hidetsoongu, hisnephew, had been acknowledged as heir, and power wasdelegated to him as regent while Taiko should be away inCorea. Of this young man a somewhat extraordinary accountis given in the Jesuit letters. In 1587, when Taikochose to make a great show of favor to the Roman Catholicsand the missionaries, the fathers were taken up continuallywith preaching, baptizing and instructing such of theprincipal lords as desired earnestly this sacrament, among[151]whom was Taiko’s own nephew, and presumptive heir tothe crown.

“Hidetsoongu was a young man of three-and-thirty yearsof age, endowed with all the qualifications that can be desiredin a young prince. He had a quick and penetratingwit, an excellent judgment, and withal a most courteousand obliging behavior. He was wise, prudent and discreet.He abhorred the vices of his country and loved learning, andtook pleasure in it. For this reason he was delighted in thecompany of the fathers, and knowing that our religion setvalue on virtue and good manners, he took a particularaffection to it.

“But all these good qualities were quite obscured by astrange and most inhuman vice. He took a strange kind ofpleasure and diversion in killing men, insomuch that whenany one was condemned to die, he chose to be executionerhimself. He walled in a place near his palace, and set inthe middle a sort of table for the criminal to lie on till hehewed him to pieces. Sometimes, also, he took them standing,and split them in two. But his greatest satisfactionwas to cut them off limb by limb, which he did as exactlyas one can take off the leg or wing of a fowl. Sometimes,also, he set them up for a mark, and shot at them with pistolsand arrows. But what is most horrid of all, he used torip up women with child to see how the infants lay in theirmother’s womb. Father Froes, who had seen and conversedwith him, describes him as you have seen.” This account iscorroborated by native history.

For many years Hidetsoongu had been looked upon ashis uncle’s heir. He had three children; but about this timeone of Taiko’s wives had a son, who was thought by manyto be supposititious. “Be it as it will,” write the fathers,“he made great rejoicing for it all over Japan, and insistedon his nephew adopting the child as his son.”

The consequence was that uncle and nephew becamejealous and distrustful each of the other. In the “Historyof the Church” a full account is given of their meetings in[152]Miako. “Taikosama sent to his nephew to say he wouldinvest him with full power. Hidetsoongu prepared a magnificentfeast. The day was settled, but the uncle wasafraid to trust himself within the palace of Juraku, wherethe nephew was waiting for him. At last he was persuadedto go, and went with great magnificence in a triumphalchariot (a closed box) all laid with gold, drawn bytwo large oxen with gilt horns. The procession lasted frommorning till two in the afternoon. All this time Taikominded more the security of his own person than all theentertainments. He placed guards all about his apartments,and advised his nephew to lodge in another palace. Thenobility generally believed that Hidetsoongu would neverlet slip so fair an opportunity of avenging the injuries hehad received, and therefore every one took care of himself.But no attempt was made on Taiko’s life. Appearanceswere kept up for some days; but the nephew, disgustedwith his uncle’s treatment, secretly began to make the preparationswhich had been expected of him long before.” Buthe was betrayed by the first of the nobles to whom he applied—probablyMowori (known as Choshiu), who gaveTaiko information. In no long time Taiko brought thematter to a point by asking explicit answers to plain questions,and in the meantime collected troops about Miako.When he thought he was safe, he sent to his nephew andordered him off instanter to his father’s territory. He wasthen ordered to enter the monastery of Koga, used as a retreatby exiled nobles. He marched, accordingly, all night.The prisoner was treated as badly as possible; and in August,1795, an order came from his uncle that he and hisservants should rip themselves up. Hidetsoongu paid thelast attention one friend can pay to another in Japan, andcut their heads off after they had stabbed themselves. Hehimself repeatedly stabbed himself, and one of his esquirestook his master’s saber and cut off his head, and then stabbinghimself, fell on his body. Father Froes seems to havebeen on the spot at the time.

[153]Taikosama, in the whole of this affair, showed a spirit ofextreme cruelty and vindictiveness. He, not satisfied withthe life of his nephew, put to death all his friends, and then,collecting his family, sent his wives and children, the eldestfive years of age, his own grand nephews and nieces, to execution;with savage atrocity sending for his nephew’s headthat it might be shown to them at the scaffold. They wereall beheaded to the number of thirty-one ladies and threechildren, and their bodies thrown into a hole in Sanjio Street,over which a sort of erection or tomb was built, and on it theinscription, Tchikushozuka, “The tomb of bitches,” whichremains to this day. A temple has been built close by, andis named Tchikushozuka no dera.

Taikosama had long set his heart upon the hope of prevailingupon the Emperor of China to send an embassy toJapan, and, to his own surprise, his ambition was gratified.Don Austin, according to Jesuit accounts, by working uponthe fears of the officers of the Celestial court, induced themto send two men to Corea, who were ordered to pass overinto Japan. Taikosama made preparations to receive thisembassy with great magnificence, but in the end treated theenvoys with marked insolence and rudeness.

In August of 1596 a comet was visible for fifteen days inJapan, and on the 30th of the same month a frightful earthquakeis recorded to have occurred. By this the greater partof the buildings recently erected at great expense at Osakaand Fusimi were completely demolished. Recurring at midnightof the 1st of September with awful violence, all themagnificent buildings raised by the Taiko were in a momentthrown down—two lofty eight-storied buildings, visited bythe fathers, being destroyed. Stones, each of which had requiredthe united efforts of 1,500 men to put in their places,were hurled out. The heavy roofs of temples and buildings,subsiding en masse, buried many under them, and, as usualin Japan, the fires which arose carried death to those buriedunder the wood. The occasion is used by one of the fathers,in his letter, to indulge in a sneer against the Buddhist priesthood.[154]In doing so, he gives some insight into the tenets inculcatedin their sermons by these Buddhist priests. “Hewas preaching on the evening prior to the earthquake withsuch a torrent of eloquence as to bear all before him, andthe main drift of his discourse was the mercy and bounty ofhis god toward his clients, particularly at the hour of death.He enlarged upon his charity to mankind, showing that hewould have all men to be saved, without distinction or exceptionof persons, exhorting them to cast themselves on hismercy. So soon as he had made an end of speaking, thepeople cried out with a general voice, ‘Our god, be mercifulto us!’ But Amida was probably asleep, for that very nightthe temple fell to the ground, the idol was broken, and thepreacher narrowly escaped with his life.” By this convulsionthe immense copper figure of Buddha at Miako wasbroken. The Jesuit accounts state that seventy womenabout the palace at Fusimi were killed, the Taiko himselfnarrowly escaping to a mountain top, where he dwelt in areed hut, for fear of being swallowed up in the chasms ofthe earth. Saccay, the richest and most voluptuous city ofJapan, suffered, at the same time, greatly from one of thosefearful incursions of the sea consequent upon a temporarydepression or bending downward of the crust of the earth.

In the meanwhile Taikosama’s passion began to cool, andthe fathers “had grounds to hope that religion would be re-established,as he was rather pleased at their obeying hisedict, and keeping quiet in deference to his wishes.” Hestill took pleasure in occasionally receiving the bishop, andwinked at the fathers remaining in the capital. But wheneverything was again promising of fair wind, another stormarose, and again the origin is attributed by the Jesuits, notto the Japanese, but to the same Franciscan fathers whohad recently arrived from Manila. The Jesuits’ letters say,“The Recollects of the regular observance of St. Francis,who were lately settled at Miako, being now conversant inthe language of the country, began to preach publicly in thechurches, to hear confessions and baptize the infidels, without[155]any regard to the Emperor’s orders. Had religion beenon the same footing as heretofore, the zeal and labor of theseholy men would have wrought wonders, but the design wasso ill-concerted at this juncture, that, instead of reaping anyadvantage by it, as was expected, it drew a bloody persecutionboth upon themselves and the other Christians. Forbeing newly established in Japan, little acquainted with thegenius of the people, and less with Taikosama’s designs,they gave full scope to their zeal without regard to the Emperor’sthreats, or even to the advice of their friends, whocounseled them all along to act in concert with the otherreligious, who by their prudence and wise conduct hadcounted so many thousands of souls in this mission. Butnothing was able to stop this torrent of zeal. Designingwell, they believed themselves obliged to overlook all humanrespects, and this persuasion made them jealous of friends’advice as savoring of jealousy and envy. The Christians,not at all satisfied with their conduct, begged of them tomoderate their zeal; but being men that undervalued theirlives, and in a persuasion that the Emperor would neveroffer any rudeness to persons of their character that borethe name of embassadors from one of the greatest monarchsof the world, they continued their functions with new fervorand zeal. The natives said, ‘These men neither regard ourcounsel nor the Emperor’s orders, but one day they’llrepent it.’”

But still, notwithstanding these infractions of the recentlypublished edict, there was no ill-will shown to these men.Four new governors of state had been appointed. Thesegovernors, hearing of the friars’ rashness, sent to them privatelyto admonish them of their danger, telling them thatif it came to Taiko’s ears he would certainly put them all todeath. This information only added new life and vigor totheir zeal, so desirous were they of suffering martyrdom forChrist. The viceroy sent for two of these friars to the palace,and reprimanded them severely for slighting the Emperor’sdesires. This notwithstanding, they went on with[156]their functions. The superior of the Jesuits, F. Organtin,hearing of those complaints by the governor, as well as theChristians and heathens, sent to Friar Baptist to lay beforehim the danger himself and his family, as well as the wholeChurch of Japan, was in if he did not (so far as reason, conscienceand zeal of God’s glory would permit) study to givethe governor satisfaction, and yield a little to the times.“I do not find,” says the writer, “what answer was given,but this is certain, they both preached and administered thesacraments after that more publicly than before.”

These men, under the quality of embassadors, had cometo the country, and under the same name were remaining inJapan to insult the supreme power, and to irritate the governmentinto taking the only means in its power of supportingits own dignity; viz., putting them out of the way.“Guenifoin” (probably Kio no kami, or governor of Miako),“who had all along favored the Christians, foreseeing theill-consequences of this refractory humor, suspended stillthe execution of his threats, and did not so much as hint atit either to the court. However, the business was discoveredat last, and the friars were betrayed by their friendFaranda, the person who invited them over from the Philippines.”They intrigued with this man, who seems to haveused his knowledge of the Spanish language and his acquaintancewith the Roman fathers of the Church for hisown advancement. “At first they had some difficulty inaccepting his invitation (in the name of Taikosama) to visitJapan, as contrary to the decree of Gregory XIII. forbiddingall priests (the Society excepted) to preach in Japan.All the able men whom they consulted agreed that embassadorswere not included in this decree; and Sextus Quintushaving given leave to the religious of St. Francis to preachthe Gospel through the East Indies, the islands of Japanfell in course as part of the whole.”

The conduct of these men would in any country have exposedthem to the notice of the government. There is littleneed for drawing into the question of the treatment of these[157]embassadorial fathers the conduct of the captain of a richSpanish galleon wrecked upon the southern coast of Sikok.This man lost his ship, and the treasures were seized byTaikosama. “Upon being examined, he pointed out on amap the territories belonging to the King of Spain, andadded that the way in which he obtained such extensivepossessions was by first sending missionaries; and so soonas they had gained a sufficient number of proselytes, theKing followed with his troops, and, joining the new converts,made a conquest of the kingdoms.”

Upon the conduct of these Franciscan fathers beingbrought to the notice of Taikosama, he at once orderedthem to be executed. At first the Jesuits thought that allChristians were included in this order; but the Giboo nosho wrote to Nagasaki to the governor, in the name of Taikosama,to see that no affront was offered to the Jesuits,whom he was pleased to have reside there on condition thatthey did not preach, or baptize, or hold assemblies.

The Father Provincial of the Jesuits, considering this conditionopposed to the law of God, resolved to take no noticeof it, but wrote to those under him to extend the empire ofChrist, but still by such ways and means as might not givethe Emperor cause of complaint. These five Franciscanswere sent down from Miako to Nagasaki to be there executed,under the following sentence:

“Seeing that these men have come from the PhilippineIslands in the quality of embassadors, yet have continuedresiding at Miako to spread the Christian law, which I someyears ago prohibited, I command that all of them, togetherwith those Japanese who have enrolled themselves underthis law, be arrested, and let the whole twenty-four undergothe punishment of the cross at Nagasaki. And once moreI prohibit the foresaid doctrine in time to come. Let allknow this, and, further, that it be carried into execution.But if any one will not obey my edict, he, with all his family,shall be punished.”

The punishment of the cross is inflicted by tying the criminal[158]to a cross and transfixing the lungs and heart with twosharp spears. The twenty-four were thus executed at Nagasakion February 5, 1597. The religious of St. Francis,together with the three Jesuits, were all placed in the Catalogueof Saints by Urban VIII., in the year 1627.

These men were punished by the Taiko not on accountof their religion, but as contumelious persons, defying hislaws. He appreciated the benefits of foreign trade, he valuedthe presents brought to him, and he admired the learning ofthe Jesuits; but he now saw a new doctrine being adoptedby his subjects which would tolerate no other near it. Thefollowers of this doctrine were becoming a great politicalpower in the state, and more particularly in Simo or Kiusiu.Several of his principal military officers adhered to this newsect. Some of the highest nobles in the land had, accordingto the accounts of the Jesuits, favored it. The bishop, towhom no doubt extraordinary external reverence would beshown by the Roman Catholics, was an occasional visitor atTaikosama’s court. F. Rodriguez was apparently in constantattendance as interpreter. The desire to continue toparticipate in the advantages of foreign trade was beingcounterbalanced by the probable dangers of the ascendencyof such a power in the state, and Taikosama was becomingalarmed. There was a strong party opposed to the RomanCatholics—those who had been expelled from their lands, orwho had been obliged to conform to retain them; those whowere envious or jealous of the rise of such men as Konishifrom a comparatively low position to a high military command;the priests, whose flocks were being withdrawn, andtheir incomes thereby diminished; and all that numerousclass whose interests are on the side of things remaining asthey are—all these were pressing that something should bedone to overthrow the political structure which these foreignerswere attempting to raise.

During the life of Taikosama these men, with their nativeassociates, were the only sufferers for disobedience to his edict.

While Taikosama seemed every day becoming more timid[159]and afraid of what steps might be taken by the Christianparty, an embassy arrived from Manila, to whose demandhe replied that “he put to death the Franciscans becausethey preached the Christian religion in his empire contraryto his express command.” But he did not pursue his harshmeasures any further. He wished to get rid of such disturbersof the empire; and “hearing that Spain and Portugalwere now under one prince, he became jealous to the lastdegree that the Jesuits of these two nations concerted together,under the color of religion, to bring Japan under thesame yoke.” He determined, therefore, while all the Christianprinces were in Corea, to send away by ship all the foreignpriests. But still he allowed a few to remain in Nagasaki,on condition that they did not stir out of town, norpreach.

He ordered Terasawa, governor of Nagasaki, to assembleall the Jesuits and ship them off by the first convenience toChina. This, in truth, seems to have been the only resourceleft to him if he wished to retain the government of the country,or to preserve it from once more undergoing all the horrorsof a civil war. If he had heard of the doings of PhilipII. in the Netherlands during the few years since the firstarrival of these foreign priests in Japan, he might havelearned lessons of more decided measures for refractory subjects,and have carried out his wishes in ridding Japan ofthem by a more summary method of persecution.

During the summer of 1598 Taikosama was attacked bydysentery, and was so ill that his life was despaired of. Hisson (real or supposed) was then about six years of age. Hesaw that, in all probability, the power, after leaving his ownhands, would fall into those of Iyeyas, now ruler of the eightprovinces around Yedo. He therefore determined to strikeup a family alliance between his son and the granddaughterof Iyeyas, thinking he would thereby induce the latter tothrow his whole weight into the scale on behalf of his owngrandchild and her husband, and that thus the power woulddescend to his own family. The marriage was immediately[160]celebrated; and Iyeyas swore that he would turn the governmentover to Taiko’s son so soon as he was able to rule byhimself. Still further to strengthen the party of his son, heappointed five governors of the country (as Gotairo), andfour others, to be about the boy, with instructions to obeyIyeyas, to acknowledge his son as sovereign so soon as hecame of age, to continue all the lords in their places as hehad appointed, and to oppose all innovations on the lawsnow established. To strengthen the position of his son stillfurther, he appointed boards of officers, Tchiuro and Goboonyo,or five rulers.

On his deathbed, such little animosity as he may havehad toward the foreign priests seems to have been mitigated,as he sent for, or allowed, Father Rodriguez to visithim, when he thanked the father for the trouble he had takenin visiting him in health as well as in sickness.

A temporary amendment enabled him to rouse himself,when his chief thoughts ran upon strengthening the citadelof Osaka, where 17,000 houses were pulled down to build thewall, which was a league in circuit. He only survived a fewdays, dying upon September 15, 1598; all his nobility, accordingto the fathers, “being much better pleased to seehim on the list of dead gods than in the land of living men.”

CHAPTER V
GOVERNMENT OF IYEYAS

With the removal of Taikosama, the hopes of the RomanCatholic party revived.

Once more the keystone of the arch was removed, andthe ordinary institutions of the country were found unequalto the crisis.

The deceased ruler had foreseen this, and had made sucharrangements as he could to strengthen the position of his[161]young son. He foresaw that Iyeyas was the man of thefuture; the man most fitted by talent, military capacity, andposition to take the reins. He therefore tried to bind himby ties of marriage, as well as by oaths, to support the youthfulinheritor of power. He had, as one of his methods ofgoverning, induced or compelled the nobles to lavish largesums of money in presents to himself, in keeping up largeretinues, in making expensive journeys between their countryresidences and the capital, and in building palaces in thetwo cities of Osaka and Fusimi. By these means the nobleswere impoverished. They could not afford to keep manyarmed followers. Mowori of Nagato had been lately compelledto give up some of his territories, and to pay his respectsat the court. Satsuma had suffered during the recentwars in Kiusiu. Iyeyas alone had kept aloof from Taikosama.He had kept his court and established himself atYedo, where he was allowed to remain undisturbed, an objectof jealousy as well as of fear. Still he seems to have beenoccasionally about the court of Taikosama, as he is mentionedin one of the letters as being present at the meetingof Taiko and his nephew. He perhaps kept Taikosama’smother still as a hostage in Yedo. Each of these potentates,in all probability, knew and read the other’s thoughts—eachthinking that the territories and the position of both wouldfall into the hands of the longest liver. The most dissemblingare often the most credulous, and Taikosama was catchingat a straw when he summoned Iyeyas to his deathbed.Iyeyas had refused to visit him on a former occasion withouta hostage in the person of his mother. On this occasionhe came, but, no doubt, with sufficient precautions. He sawthat a political crisis was impending, and he knew that thefruit he had long waited for was falling into his hands.There was little reason now why he should not seize it.

The only persons who seem not to have descried thechange that was at hand were the Roman Catholic fathers.By their own letters they do not appear to have paid anycourt to the sun rising in the east. No missions are mentioned[162]to Yedo, or in the Kwanto; no interpreter is sent tothe court of Iyeyas; no conversions are spoken of there asin Miako and the west; and no priests were located there,who might have been acceptable if they had been able tospeak in the dialect of the eastern provinces. The Jesuitfathers, up to this time, had rarely mentioned any of theprovinces east of Mino or Owarri.

The Taiko had put to death his nephew, who was of anage fit to have held the reins after his departure. He left,as successor, Hideyori, a child of six years of age. The generalbelief was that this child was not the son of Taiko, buthe himself appears to have firmly regarded him as such.Recollecting his own origin and rise to the pinnacle of power,and knowing the turbulent spirits among the lords, his countrymen,whom he had all his life long been trying to curb,it is little wonder that he felt uneasy at the prospect openingup to this child.

The Jesuits of this time write: “As to religion, there wereall the grounds in the world to believe it in a fair way ofbeing established in Japan. So many potent kings and generalofficers being all Christians at the head of a victoriousarmy, and masters of Simo (Kiusiu), where the inhabitantshad all embraced the faith, it was only prudence in the regents(the Gotairo), who were divided among themselves,to keep fair with them. Above all, Samburandono (Sanhoshi),grandson and heir of Nobu nanga, having latelyprofessed himself a Christian, it was probable the Christiansand malcontents would join in these divisions, and put himin possession of his ancient rights, which the late Taikosamahad unjustly usurped. The faithful began to breatheafter the tyrant’s death.”

Probably the conversion of Sanhoshi (if true) to the Christianside blinded these fathers to the weakness of his claims,and to the weight, power, and talents of Iyeyas. The claimsof Sanhoshi and Hideyori were equally weak. Both were theheirs of men who had risen from comparatively low rankand seized the coveted position, which had been hereditary[163]in the families of their predecessors, but which, having beenheld by these men, their fathers, respectively one after theother, could not be said to be in their families hereditary.

The first step taken by the Gotairo, or five governors appointedby Taikosama before his death, who now assumedthe power in the name of Hideyori, was the recall of thearmy from Corea, showing how much the whole expeditiondepended upon the will of the one man, and with how littlefavor it was regarded by the people of Japan. This broughtback to the island of Kiusiu a strong re-enforcement of Christianswith Don Austin at their head; and his bitter foe, Toronosuqui,the strong opponent of the Roman Catholic party.

In the letters written by the Jesuits at this period, theTaiko had generally been spoken of as the Emperor, andvery rarely is any notice taken of the real Emperor, thenliving at Miako. Still less notice is accorded to the Shiogoon,Yoshitaru, who was then living at Miako, and holdingthe highest hereditary office that could be held by a subject.He was of the Ashikanga family, and, so long as he lived,neither Nobu nanga nor Taikosama could hold this office.In 1597 he died, and the office, which in the family had becomean empty title, was not conferred on any of his relations.The family is still represented by individuals at Miako,who, though receiving some privileges, live in poverty andobscurity. The death of this man, and the cessation of thehereditary claim to the office, opportunely opened to Iyeyasthe prospect of combining once more the chief power withthe highest hereditary office in the state.

The year 1599 is given, in the native annals, as the firstyear in which the English and Dutch ships visited Japan(they are said to have come to the town of Saccay, nearOsaka). Dutch pilots had been navigating those seas duringseveral years past; some of the accounts given byLinschoten being the results of observations by Dutchmen.William Adams, the English pilot of the Dutchfleet of five sail, which left the Texel on June 24, 1598,did not reach Boongo till April, 1600, with only nine or ten[164]men surviving out of the crew, and these nearly worn outwith scurvy and privations. He was taken to Osaka, wherehe had an interview with Iyeyas, who was much pleasedwith him; but the jealousy of the Portuguese was roused,and they tried to instill into the ears of those to whom theyhad access malicious reports against these newcomers.

Meantime, it was impossible that affairs should continuelong peaceably on the present critical footing. The Jesuits,however, were elated with the appearance of things. “(Gieiaso)Iyeyas ko,[3] now called Daifusama” (another name forNai dai jin), “spoke favorably of religion, giving them leaveto exercise their religion at Nagasaki, so that every onethought the Society re-established in the exercise of herfunctions.

“However, it was not long before the governors fell atvariance among themselves—Jiboo no sho and Asano dan join the first place. The grudge between them was of an earlydate, but the office now held by both induced them to come toa kind of agreement. A like dissension happened among thelieutenant-generals in Corea about the late treaty of peace,and the differences ran so high that each took opposite sideson their return home—Don Austin and his followers withJiboo no sho, and the rest with Asano dan jo. Several ofthe lords and Daifusama himself labored hard to composethe difference, and at last sentence was given in favor ofJiboo no sho and his party. Asano resolved to right himselfby the sword, and in a short time many lords came overto his party. Don Austin, with Arima, Omura, Satsuma,Tchikugo, and Terazawa, stuck close to the interest ofJiboo no sho. But what set the whole kingdom in a flamewas a misunderstanding between Jiboo no sho and Daifusama,the regent of the empire. The former charged Iyeyaswith assuming an air of authority, and with secret practices,as if he intended to make himself master of the imperial domain.[165]Iyeyas answered these complaints of the governorswith a great deal of modesty and calmness, and, in the main,gave a fair account of his conduct. But finding that his opponentswere levying troops, he gathered an army of 30,000men out of his own states to prevent a surprise.

“The nobility were then all at court, part at Fusimi andpart at Osaka, about the young prince. But seeing war declaredbetween Jiboo no sho and the regent, every one armedhimself and his followers, until they reckoned in the twotowns 200,000 combatants, besides inhabitants. The streetsswarmed with soldiers, and nothing was looked for but agrand massacre. But it being enacted that whoever firstbroke the peace should be declared an enemy to the state,it was each one’s business to keep from hostilities. In thismanner they continued for some months in the same town,and not a stroke on either side. At last Daifusama beingmuch superior to his adversary (whom most deserted to servethe regent), he sent to him to rip up his belly for the publicgood.

“Don Austin, who joined interest with Jiboo no sho (otherwiseIshida mitzu nari), knew very well that would notserve Daifusama’s turn, unless, at the same time, he couldinvolve the rest of his party in the same ruin. In the meantime,Daifusama seized on the castle of Osaka with the youngprince so suddenly that neither the garrison, nor Jiboo nosho, who lived hard by, had time to put themselves in aposture of defense. This was a thunderbolt to the latter,who fled to Fusimi, to the governors, where he was joinedby Don Austin. Daifusama pursued them, and a temporarypeace was struck up, on condition that Jiboo no shogave up his commission and retired to his residence in theprovince of Omi. He took a son of Daifusama’s with himas hostage.”

After this, Iyeyas was supreme, the governors continuingto retain their empty titles. The Roman Catholics appliedto Iyeyas, who received them so kindly that they weregenerally of a persuasion that he intended to restore the[166]churches and permit the fathers to preach the Gospel, “sovery easy are we to believe what we have a mind shouldhappen.”

However, at this moment they were annoyed by the lordof Firado showing symptoms of intolerance, for in one nightsix hundred Christians left the island and came to Nagasaki,contrary to the laws and edicts of Taikosama. The provinceof Higo, in the island of Kiusiu, was now under the rule ofDon Austin, and by his orders the inhabitants were beingconverted or coerced into Christianity.

At this juncture the Emperor was a mere shadow. Thepower had fallen nominally into the hands of a boy. Thescepter, or seat of power, was at the disposal of the mostpowerful. The respect for, or fears of, the lately deceasedruler had not died out; and the carrying out of his wishes,and the establishment of this boy in his place, was the allegedintention of each of the contending parties. The oneparty was made up of those chiefs or lords who had beenabout Taikosama during his life, and had been appointed tohigh offices under him, such as the five governors or regentsfor his son. To these were added those who had been engagedas commanders in the Corean wars, of whom Satsumaand Konishi were the ablest and most powerful, the latterbeing looked upon as the greatest soldier of his day.

On the other side, Iyeyas had evidently determined thatthe boy, now his grandson by marriage, should not stand inthe way of his own advancement to power and position, andthat he should be made the ladder by which he might reachhis object.

The empire again resounded with the preparations forwar. “Daifusama was grown so absolute since the latetroubles at Osaka and Menco that he acted and did all byhimself, none daring so much as dispute his commands.This sore perplexed the governors and mortified them tothe quick; however, as soon as Jiboo no sho was retired [tohis castle of Sawoyama, by orders of Iyeyas], they all returnedback to Osaka and Fusimi, Cangerafu only excepted,[167]who pretended a grant from Taikosama to live three yearsin his own states.” This was probably Ooyay soongi kangekatzu of Etsingo, one of the wealthiest and most powerfulof the lords, and to him Iyeyas sent orders to repair immediatelyto the young prince on pain of being prosecuted asan enemy to the state. The confederates were trying todivide the forces of their opponent, and to gain by stratagemwhat he was beginning to feel himself able to obtain by theopen assertion and display of power. He had possession ofthe castle of Osaka and of the town of Fusimi. In the latterhe left his son with a garrison. The confederate lords hopedto seize those places so soon as Iyeyas left them. Letterswere dispatched to Jiboo no sho and to Konishi, who immediatelyjoined the league, “having no other intention but tokeep their promise with Taikosama, and to preserve the crownfor the young prince.” They tried to draw over the headofficers of “Daifusama’s army; and all things being in readiness,they wheeled round upon Osaka, and so secured mostof the nobility to their party. The governors, flushed withtheir success, sent a manifesto to Daifusama, with heavycomplaints of his conduct. They commanded him to returnto Quanto, and positively forbade him the court.”

The governors at the same time ordered all persons in hisarmy to return to their posts or homes on the penalty of punishmentfalling on their relatives and property. This orderbrought about the death of a Christian lady, Grace, wife ofItowo Tango no kami, one of the commanders in the armyof Iyeyas, of whom the Jesuits speak as a miracle of beautyand piety. Her husband having joined the army of Iyeyas,left command with his servants that, in case of any suchorder being issued and put in force, they were to cut off hiswife’s head. His orders were obeyed. His chief servantinformed his mistress, with tears in his eyes, of his master’sorders. He, falling on his knees, begged pardon for whathe was about to do, promising to revenge her by his and hisfellow-servant’s suicide. With one blow he cut off her head,and, thinking it indecent to die in the same room as their[168]mistress, they retired to another, where they cut open theirbellies, while one of them set fire to the powder, and blewup the part of the palace in which they were lying.

The army of the league now numbered 100,000 men. Thechiefs determined to attack the citadel of Fusimi. They contrivedto set it on fire, and in a few hours was consumed “thissplendid and last monument of Taikosama’s greatness, therichest and noblest palace in all Japan.” After this theyfelt themselves strong enough to take the field, and hazarda battle, if necessary, which should decide the fate of parties.“There was this difference betwixt the regent’s andthe governors’ troops: The first, being under one supremehead, acted vigorously and with unanimous consent; whereasthe other, depending on several masters, and having eachseparate interests, the whole time was spent in marches andcountermarches to no manner of purpose.”

Iyeyas laid siege to Gifoo, the fortress of Hide nobu orSaburo dono, the nephew of Nobu nanga, in the provinceof Mino. By a stratagem and ambuscade he routed thearmy, completely destroying it, and entered and seized thecastle, taking prisoner Hide nobu. He then turned backwestward to meet the army of the governors, which waslying on the west of the plain and village of Sekingaharra.The army of his opponents had been re-enforced by thetroops of Satsuma and of Konishi. This plain is to the eastside of the hills which form the east wall of the Lake ofOwomi. One hill of this ridge, Ee buki yama, is still notedfor the foreign plants which grow upon its sides, the resultor remains of the labors of the Portuguese missionaries whohad a residence upon the hill. From this hill flows to theeast the waters of the Kisso gawa. One of the main roadsof Japan, the Naka sen do, passes through this plain fromeast to west, and at the village of Sekingaharra another roadcrosses the former from the northwest. Here on this plainthe two armies met; but before the most decisive battle inJapanese history was fought they lay thirty days facing oneanother, “and durst not strike a stroke.”

[169]The army of the league numbered 80,000 men, while thatof Iyeyas could only muster 50,000. Each party had beenengaged in trying to gain over some of their opponents beforetrusting to the fate of war. Iyeyas had been delayedby his enemies in the eastern provinces; but hearing of theposition of affairs at Sekingaharra, he marched rapidly up,and in October, 1600, joined his army with a considerablere-enforcement of troops. His motions were so rapid andso secret that his opponents were not aware of his being inthe province. The following day he commenced an attackupon the army of the governors, commanded by Jiboo nosho and Don Austin. “No sooner had the armies begunto move than several of the general officers, with the troopsunder their command, marched straight over to the side ofIyeyas, which put the rest of the army in such consternationthat, instead of fighting, they turned tail and fled withoutlooking behind them. Daifusama, perceiving them in disorder,gave word for his men to advance; and making hisway through the lines, which made very little opposition,gained a complete victory almost without the trouble ofstriking a blow for it. None besides the general officersand some of the leading men had the courage to face theenemy at the first onset. These partly dispatched themselves,partly were killed by the enemy, and partly weretaken prisoners. Among these latter was the celebratedDon Austin. This great hero, seeing his men in a rout,and no possibility of rallying again, threw himself into themidst of the enemy’s troops, slaying on every side, and bearingall down before him, till, wounded from head to foot,and overpowered by numbers, he was forced to yield to fateand surrender himself prisoner, together with Jiboo no sho,who had not the heart (as he confessed himself afterward)to open his belly after the example of the worthies abovementioned.

“As for Don Austin, nothing but conscience could possiblyhave hindered him from such an attempt; and thereforechoosing, as he did, to pass for heartless and a coward, and[170]to expose himself to an ignominious death rather than offendGod, was an action of the first rate, worthy to be found uponthe roll in the history of his other heroical exploits.” Thenative account would make out that Don Austin attemptedto escape from the field of battle, taking the road leading tothe residence of the Roman Catholic priests on the hill ofEe buki yama, but was taken prisoner before reaching aplace of safety.

The immediate result of this very decisive victory wasto blow to the winds the rope of sand which his enemies hadbeen endeavoring to coil round Iyeyas. His opponents werescattered and their hands paralyzed. Iyeyas was master ofthe situation. He lost no time in marching westward togain possession of Osaka. He seized Sawoyama, a castlethen belonging to Jiboo no sho, and now known as Hikonay,the residence of Ee kamong no kami. The brother ofthe proprietor was in command of the place. He put todeath all the women and children, and set fire to the house,to take from the enemy the honor of leading him in triumph.Mowori was in command at Osaka, and, as ruler over tenprovinces, he was now the only chief who was likely to disputewith Iyeyas the position of regent. But he was panic-struck,and, though at the head of 40,000 men, gave up theplace and surrendered to the conqueror, who immediatelyentered the town in a kind of triumph, and soon after allJapan submitted to his government. He was, in truth, nowthe monarch of Japan. The Emperor was in existence, butthis was only known near Miako by the titles which he occasionallyconferred on those about his court.

Hideyori, the boy representative of Taikosama, was onlyseven years of age, and had no very strong claim to be consideredthat potentate’s successor, a position which he couldnot hold without the assistance of Iyeyas, his wife’s grandfather.Iyeyas had felt that the peace of the state was dependingupon him, and that, from the position which thegovernors had taken up, either he or they must yield; butneither would give way without an appeal to arms. The[171]Jesuits seem all along to have shown a want of foresight inomitting to see that he was the coming man, and made amistake in placing their trust in Don Austin, whose positionwas now to them a source of great anxiety.

Into the late war there does not seem to have enteredany religious element of discord, as Christians of rank werefound upon both sides. The lords of Arima and Omura andKahi no kami (who is frequently mentioned by the Jesuitwriters) were in the army of Iyeyas, while Don Austinand others took the opposite side.

Ishida, Jiboo no sho, being now a prisoner, was notlikely to receive much mercy at the hands of Iyeyas. Lettershad passed between them which reduced their positionto a personal quarrel. He had already been once spared byhis foe, and had retired on parole to his castle of Sawoyama.Thinking that an opportunity for revenge had arrived, heput himself at the head of the army of the confederates. Hehad again failed, and now found himself a prisoner in anignominious and dishonorable position. But Konishi Setsu,or Tsu no kami, also a prisoner, ran the risk of losing hislife, more probably from jealousy of his military capacitythan from any other reason. He was the son of a drugmerchant in Sakkai. The eulogiums pronounced upon himby the Christian writers may pass for what each valuesthem at; but he had been trusted in a very responsible positionby Taikosama in Corea. He had subsequently beendegraded at the instigation of his rivals, and afterward reinstatedfor the accomplishment of schemes requiring theutmost acuteness in diplomacy, as well as for the executionof plans requiring military skill and prowess. He hadshown himself capable of both. As an evidence of the positionto which he had raised himself was the marriage of hisson to the granddaughter of Iyeyas himself. He had beenappointed to the office then known as viceroy of the island ofKiusiu, and was at the same time commander-in-chief bothof the naval and military forces in the Corean war. HadIyeyas acted with his ordinary clemency and judgment, he[172]would after his victory have pardoned such a rival and familyconnection; but there were hungry wolves who personallyhated Don Austin, who gloated over his downfall, andcast longing eyes on his territories, about to be confiscated.Chief of these was Toronosuqui, “Vir ter execrandus,” as theJesuits style him, one of the coarsest men of Japanese history,but since his death canonized as a saint in the Japanesecalendar as Say sho go sama of the Nitchi ren sect of Buddhists.Hitherto known by this name of Toronosuqui, hefigures in the subsequent letters of the Jesuits as Canzugedono, or properly, as the title now is, Kazuyay no kami.

After his capture, Konishi seems to have been treatedwith great rigor—not being allowed to see any of his relativesor any foreign priest—and was beheaded, along withthe Jiboo no sho, at Awata ngootchi, the common execution-groundat Miako. His young son was shortly afterwardinveigled and murdered by Mowori, who thought to pleaseIyeyas and save himself, after his mean surrender of himselfand his position, by sending the head of Don Austin’s childto his wife’s grandfather; but Iyeyas was disgusted, andMowori in the end was stripped of the greater part of hispossessions.

Native writers agree with the Jesuit accounts in givingIyeyas credit for great moderation and sagacity in the useof the power which had fallen into his hands. Thinkinghimself firmly seated, he tried to make all know that hewished the past to be forgotten—that he was not angrywith those who had been in arms against him, but that hewas grieved that it had been necessary that so much bloodshould have been shed. He granted an amnesty to all whowould accept of it; and even some—such as Tatchibanna—whowere not very influential, and who would neither acceptof it nor submit to him, he left quietly alone to allow timeto work. The great secret of his power seems to have beenthat when he once made a promise he never broke it, andthe most perfect reliance was placed upon his word. “Ineffect, Daifusama, being naturally of a meek and easy temper,[173]took quite different methods from Taikosama, who hadrendered himself extremely odious by his cruel and severeoppressions. He proposed to himself to govern more bylove than fear; and therefore, contrary to the maxims of hispredecessor, pardoned several of the lords that bore armsagainst him. Moreover, he sent a pardon to Don Austin’slady and daughter (who expected, according to law, to haveshared his fate), as also to his brethren and their children;and, what is more, he did not show any resentment to thefathers for being constant to the interests of Don Austin, orfor harboring his lady at the time of her retreat at Nangasaki.” The only unsettled portion of the empire was theisland of Kiusiu. The territory of Don Austin in the provinceof Higo was handed over to Katto Kiomassa, or Toronosuqui,who, as has been said, was a virulent opponent ofthe Christian religion. While Don Austin held this territory,by the advice of his spiritual superiors, every one hadbeen compelled to be baptized and turn Christian, or to leavethe territory. It was now the turn of the opposite party touse the same tactics, and most mercilessly they followed theexample set by these Spanish priests both in Japan and inEurope.

Satsuma, who had escaped from the field of Sekingaharra,expected that the weight of the victor’s wrath wouldshortly fall upon him, and he prepared for it. The subjectionof Kiusiu was intrusted to Kuroda Kahi no kami andTerasawa Sima no kami, with the lesser lords who had territoriesin the island. Satsuma was obliged to yield, andsubmitted to Iyeyas, receiving back from him the greaterpart of the territory then held by him.

The part of the island of Nippon east of the barrier ofHakonay, in the province of Segami, is commonly calledKwanto; and the Hasshiu, or eight provinces beyond theboundary toward the east part of the island, had more orless for many years been under the entire rule of Iyeyas.Kamakura, which had at one period been a rival to Miakoas a second capital, had fallen into decay. Odawara, the[174]castle of the Hojio family, at the head of the same bay, hadnever risen to any position as a central city. The Nishimaro, a part of the castle of Yedo, had formerly been builtand occupied by Owota do kwang, whose memory is to thisday cherished in Japan, and his name and writings are stillextant on some parts of his castle or shiro. On a summerhouse in the garden of the castle is a couplet in poetry whichis looked upon as a prophecy of coming events with referenceto its accomplishment in the present age:

“From this window I look upon Fusiyama,

With its snow of a thousand years.

To my gate ships will come from the far East

Ten thousand miles.”

Considering the associations which hung around Miako andNarra and Osaka as the capitals, imperial, ecclesiastical andcommercial, of the empire, it might be deemed a great stretchof power and firm confidence in himself and the stabilityof his system of government, that Iyeyas should think ofremoving the location of the executive to Yedo. He haddoubtless pondered long and deeply over the best systemof government for the country. He had seen the anarchywhich preceded the rise of Nobu nanga to power; he hadseen the want of system by which the structure of governmentat that time had crumbled down with the fall of theone man upon whoso shoulders it had been supported; hehad all the experience since that time to be gained from rulingan extensive territory of his own, combined with whatobservations he might make upon the system of Taikosama.In the settling of that system, doubtless, he had a largeshare; but he went further than Taikosama, and, disregardingthe old associations connected with Miako, he removedthe seat of the executive to his own provinces and to his owncourt in the city of Yedo, in what was considered a remotepart of the empire, the inhabitants of which were lookedupon as rude and unpolished, and regarded with contemptas savages of the east—“Azuma yebis.” The city, when[175]Iyeyas first took possession of the shiro, consisted only ofone street, known then and now as Koji matchi. It hadincreased very much in size under his care, and throughthe residence of the court, the Daimios, and their wivesand families, and in no long time became a city of commercialimportance. Although Yoritomo, and the Shiogoonsand Kwanreis who succeeded him, held court at Kamakuraand in the Kwanto, no one had ever called upon the greatfeudal lords, or Daimios, as we may now call them, to resideor keep up establishments there; but Iyeyas seemed to thinkthat in an empire like Japan, without external foes, strengthwould be gained by a division of the empire. All his plansseem to have had regard to the welfare and peace of thecountry rather than the gratification of ambition, which henever allowed to master his judgment.

This year (1600) and the following Iyeyas devoted to internalimprovements, especially in the highways of the empire.The road between the two capitals, Yedo and Miako,was greatly improved. He arranged the stations (tsoongi,or shooku), to the number of fifty-three, at nearly equal distancesalong the road, for the accommodation of Daimiosand others traveling on official business. The Do chioo, orlaws of the roads, were laid down, regulating the traffic, butmore especially the movements and service of these lordswhen traveling.

In the year 1603 to Iyeyas was given the hereditary titleand power of Se i dai shiogoon, or tranquilizer of barbariansand commander-in-chief. The last who had held this officewas Yoshikanga Yoshiteru, who died in 1597. Hideyoriwas made Naidaijori.

[176]

CHAPTER VI
HISTORY TO THE EXPULSION OF CHRISTIANITY

This termination of the sixteenth century was in Japanone of the most notable time-marks in the history of the empire.It was an era at which a long series of intestine broilsand of civil war came to an end, and gave way to an unexampledperiod of peace and happiness. Indirectly, Japanwas affected by changes of greater ultimate results whichhad commenced long before at the opposite side of the world.

Portugal, in the zenith of its maritime glory and power,had hitherto retained in her own hands the navigation andthe trade of the East. Bold as these early navigators were,the accounts given of their proceedings show them to haveconjoined, in strange recklessness, religion with war, tradewith piracy—“the sweet yoke” of their own ideas of governmentwith ferocious cruelty to every one opposed to them.Perhaps this was to some extent necessary, when the healthand prowess of a few men, not easily replaced in case of loss,were opposed to the climate and weight of numbers whoselosses could easily be recruited by others equally useless andcontemptible as foes. Grotius says of Englishmen of thattime, that they obey like slaves and govern like tyrants.Toward the latter part of the century, the bigotry of PhilipII. was raising powers against him in Europe, before whichthe then colossal but unwieldy empire under his rule wasdestined to crumble to pieces. The same intolerant policywhich his emissaries in Japan were pursuing was being carriedout by the old man, in the conscientious belief that hewas furthering and hastening the kingdom of heaven, by[177]fierce persecution and diabolical atrocities. The dreamswhich led men to undertake long voyages to America inthe pursuit of a Utopia, infused a new spirit of boldnessand adventure into the navigators of maritime countries.At the same time, the Reformation and the changes in thereligious ideas among the people of Europe, and especiallyin Holland, England, and for a time in France, tended tothrow contempt on the concessions and grants and privilegesgiven by the Pope to Portugal, and by which their trade tothe East was up to that time hedged in.

In 1577 Sir Francis Drake broke in upon this monopoly;and the Spaniards complained of the English infringing theirrights, granted by the Pope, by sailing in the Eastern seas.

The Portuguese vessels which traded with the East hadhitherto carried their produce to Lisbon or Cadiz, and thenceit was carried to the coasts of Europe by the Dutch andEnglish. But when war broke out between these countries,Philip, thinking to clip the wings of his enemies, interdictedthis trade. This compelled them to take a longer flight andseek Eastern commodities at the fountain-head. The naviesof the Dutch and Portuguese came into collision on the Easternseas, and the former were victorious, and one after anotherof the large Portuguese carracks fell to the Englishand Dutch privateers.

In 1599 the East India Company of England was set onfoot, and commenced operations, after being nearly arrestedby the English government to please the Spaniards, by acknowledgingtheir rights in the Eastern seas; and in 1598the Dutch fleet sailed, of which William Adams of Gillinghamwas pilot.

According to native accounts, in the sixth year of Kaycho English vessels came to Ike no oora; but one of thesewas wrecked during a gale in the Sea of Segami. A messagewas dispatched from Yedo to order the crew to be sentthere. Among them was Adams. He remained in Yedo,but the others returned.

The vessels belonging to the East India Company sailed[178]from England upon the eighth voyage, under the commandof Captain Saris, in 1611, with the intention of opening atrade with Japan. There seemed at this time every prospectof the Portuguese monopoly being broken up, and ofthe trade of this distant country being thrown open to theWestern world. Amid the broils and quarrels with whichJapan was torn, whether among the lords, or between theBuddhists and Roman Catholics, or the natives and Portuguesemerchants, or the Portuguese and Dutch and English,it is curious to see the practical and sound good senseof one man, putting him into a position of eminence andtrust, when all around him was deceit and jealousy. Rising,after five years of obscurity and hardship, on the groundof his simple strength of character and practical training,William Adams seems to have become the trusted confidantand referee of Iyeyas on foreign questions. Residing inYedo, at the southwest corner of the Nihon bashi, or bridgeof Japan, the street where he lived retains to this day thedistinguishing name of “The Pilot’s,” or Anjin. He seemsto have afterward removed to the street Yaiyossu, in closeproximity to the castle moat.—Both Anjin and Yaiyossumay be corruptions of the name Adams. In Cantonese dialect,an cham is a word for a compass, and “Adams” mightbe written with these characters.—Here his knowledge ofgeometry, navigation and mathematics, with some acquaintancewith shipbuilding, brought him under the notice ofIyeyas, by whom he seems to have been employed as interpreter,shipbuilder, and general confidant on foreign affairs.He was ultimately raised to the position of a small Hattamoto,or lesser baron, with ground equal to the support ofeighty or ninety families, besides his own rental. This estateis said, in one of the letters from Japan, to be in Segami,and to have been named Fibi, and situated in the neighborhoodof Ooraga, the port of Yedo, and must certainly beknown to the Japanese government as having belonged tothe English officer.

Doubtless, by all these changes, the position of the Portuguese[179]and of the Roman Catholic priests was changed inJapan. The converts of Nagasaki would see foreigners comingwho paid no respect to the priests and bishops whomthey had been taught to reverence. The powers in thecountry would begin to see that the profits of the tradecould be enjoyed without winking at the coercion of theirown people to a foreign religion, and which placed them atthe disposal of a power exterior to the state. The Englishand Dutch tried to loosen the hold which their rivals had inthe good opinion of their customers; and the eyes of theJapanese were thus opened to the evils of admitting totheir shores foreigners who were likely to prove centers ofdisaffection and to instill ideas of freedom and lawlessnessamong the subjects of the empire.

The letters of the Jesuits throw their own light upon thestate of the Roman Catholic Church in Japan at the differentpoints where churches or seminaries had been erected,and it may thence be gathered in what manner they treatedtheir neighbors, or those over whom they could pretend toassume any power. On the other hand, from the narrativesgiven by Cocks and Saris, some idea of the position of theseafaring communities at Firado and Nagasaki, and otherports, may be obtained. These seaports seem to have beentoo often the resorts of the lowest class of adventurers. Theresult was uproars, broils and murders among the foreigners,requiring ever and anon the intervention of the nativeauthorities.

Iyeyas was in all probability ignorant of all these circumstances,which were effecting an indirect change upon thoseresorting to the country. At the Roman Catholic party hehad aimed an effectual blow by putting the leading man ofthe party, Don Austin, out of the way on grounds totallyunconnected with his religion. And the foreign priests donot seem to have given him personally much concern at thistime. In the neighborhood of Miako they did not dare oflate to make any public displays. In 1604 there were of theJesuits 120 in Japan. They flattered themselves that “as[180]for religion, it flourished everywhere, and made vast progressthrough all the kingdoms under so easy and peaceablea government. Notwithstanding, two obstacles still existed—theone Taikosama’s edict, and the other the vices of thepeople. But what gave our religion most reputation wasthe gracious reception the Cubo himself [Iyeyas] was pleasedto give the fathers of the Society.” The Jesuits had recentlyextended their mission to the extreme north of Japan, andeven into the islands of Yezo and Sado.

During this and the previous year the Jesuits were unfortunate,inasmuch as the vessels bringing the yearly supplies,as well as the large annual carrack from Macao toJapan, were taken by the Dutch privateers; but Iyeyas,hearing of their loss, presented a donation to the Society,by which means they “made a tolerable shift for the restof this year.”

Terasawa, Sima no kami, who had been governor ofNagasaki, irritated by the influence brought to bear againsthim by the Roman Catholic party at Miako, turned theweapons they had taught him to use against themselves,and tried to force his subjects to renounce the new doctrines.Part of the estates of Don Austin had fallen to his share.Another part had fallen under the rule of Toronosuqui, whoin the year 1602 “ravaged the vineyard of the Lord like awild boar that thirsts after nothing but blood. He beganlike a fox and ended like a lion.” Thus it was in the partof the empire in which most intolerance had been shown byDon Austin (under the instruction of foreign priests) to hiscountrymen, and where they were obliged either to adoptthe Roman Catholic doctrines or leave the country, that theplan was retaliated upon themselves.

Native accounts tell: “In 1608 a Dutch ship came toHirado and asked that Adams might be sent down fromYedo. He was sent. Iyeyas wrote under the red seal thatthe English and Dutch might trade in any part of Japan.Hide tada also allowed them to trade; but the padre sectwere not allowed to come to Japan. But the English traders[181]said that there was no profit to be made out of the trade asit was obliged to be conducted, and said they could not comeback; therefore the Dutch only remained.”

About this time Iyeyas directed his attention to the internaleconomy of the empire—improving the public roads,placing inns upon them, and strengthening his castles atYedo, Suraga, Miako, Osaka, and Kofu. He was aided inthis by the discovery of valuable gold-deposits in the islandof Sado, and the coin the koban was for the first time putinto circulation. During the year 1609 Shimadzu yoshihissa, a relative of the Prince of Satsuma, set out fromSatsuma with a force of vessels and troops to bring the Kingof the Liookioo Islands more completely under the powerof Japan, and succeeded in his object, receiving the islandshe had conquered as a gift from the hands of Iyeyas.

The designs of Iyeyas against Hideyori began to developthemselves. Upon the occasion of the investiture of his sonwith the title of Shiogoon, he expressed the thought thatHideyori ought to pay him a visit to compliment him; buthis mother refused to allow Hideyori to do so, protesting shewould rather cut his belly open with her own hand thanallow him to go, thus showing the extreme suspicion she hadof the intentions of Iyeyas.

At this time the Christians enjoyed a profound peace,which was attributed in the Jesuit letters rather to the fearof this party joining Hideyori than to any love for the doctrinespromulgated. But at the same time there were menin power not unfavorable to them, and they were alwaysable to keep anything obnoxious out of view. Such wereKowotsuki no kami, the favorite of Iyeyas (called by theletters Coxuquendono), and Itakura, governor of Miako.

In the year 1606 the Portuguese bishop, Cerqueria, visitedIyeyas at Miako, and was received by him with the honorsgiven to one of their own bishops of royal blood. However,this favor did not seem to last long. The mother of Hideyori,incensed at some of her ladies having declared themselvesChristians, appealed to Iyeyas. This was an opportunity[182]of pleasing her not to be missed, and he issued forthwiththe following proclamation:

“The Cubosama hearing that several of his subjects, contraryto the late edict, have embraced the Christian religion,is highly offended. Wherefore let all officers of his court becareful to see his orders observed. Moreover, he thinks itnecessary, for the good of the state, that none should embracethat new doctrine; and for such as have already doneso, let them change immediately upon notice hereof.—24thof the 4th moon” (1606).

No immediate action appears to have been taken uponthis proclamation.

In the year 1607, Iyeyas expressed a desire to see theFather Provincial. He accordingly set out for Kofu, a castlein the province of Kahi, where Iyeyas was residing, and herehe was received with much kindness. In their notice ofYedo the fathers say that Iyeyas employed during the previousyear above 300,000 hands in the works about the castleof Yedo. The towers of the castle were nine stories highand gilt at the top, together with delicious gardens, terraces,galleries, courts, and magnificent works. By these fathersthe mountain Fusiyama is mentioned as an active volcano,“a mountain of fire, famed for its beauty, height, and whirlingflames.” Even at this time it is to be noticed that allthe “kings of Japan” had their palaces there.

In this tour a slight notice is given to Kamakura (Cumamura,as it is called by the fathers), “where the Cubos andXogoones formerly kept their courts. It is currently reportedthat there were upward of 200,000 houses in thattown alone; but when these fathers went that way theywere reduced to near 500.”

Notwithstanding these slight appearances of returningfavor to the Jesuit fathers, the opposition to conversion increasedas the profits from trade decreased. The rulingpowers in the island of Kiusiu were now more or less againstthe Romish priests, who inculcated a line of conduct whichwas incompatible with living at peace with a neighbor, if[183]holding a different view of religion. Nagasaki was in 1607said to be entirely converted to the Christian religion. Itwas divided into five parishes. “There were two confraternities—ahouse of mercy and a hospital—which diffuseda sweet odor of sanctity all over Japan.” But this odor didnot extend to the Portuguese who frequented the port, and,in consequence of some act of misconduct, Iyeyas orderedArima (Don Protase, as he is called by the Roman Catholicwriters) to burn a large Portuguese vessel then lying in theharbor. The consequence was that the captain left the place.He was pursued by an overwhelming force, and, overtakenduring a calm, was forced to blow up his ship.

During the year 1611, Iyeyas seems to have made up hismind that, to settle the country upon a sure basis, somedefinite understanding must be come to with Hideyori andhis mother. Of what his designs really were there are probablyno proofs, as he was not generally communicative beforeaction. He marched from Soonpu to Miako at the head ofupward of 70,000 men. The general suspicions of his countrymenpointed to Hideyori as the cause of a movement onso large a scale. Arrived at Miako, he insisted upon aninterview with the young man, then twenty-three yearsof age. After much delay and show of suspicion, this wasagreed to, and he arrived at the capital with a splendidretinue. Here he was received with the utmost deferenceand kindness by Iyeyas, who shed tears over the remembranceof his father’s kindness. The visit was returned ina few days, presents were interchanged, and the prince returnedto his mother at Osaka overjoyed with his reception.

The Jesuit writers notice that during the same year diedCanzugedono, King of Fingo (Toronosuqui), the persecutorof the Christians; “and, as Heaven would have it, he wasseized with an apoplexy on the very day he was intendingto renew the persecution against the faithful.” Native accountsattribute his death to poison administered by orderof Iyeyas at Fusimi. He had thrown out some seditious[184]and rebellions threats against Iyeyas. Among other thingsstated against him, he refused, when ordered, to shave offhis whiskers at court. He was, as has been stated above,canonized in the Japanese calendar by the title of Say shogo sama—probably on account of his opposition to foreigners,and the zeal with which he tried to root out Christianity.To this day the mark of his hand upon paper is usedas a charm placed over the door to drive away evil spirits.Since the admission of foreigners in 1858, his character asa saint worthy of worship has risen in national estimation,and his temples have been rebuilt. One in Yokohama ismore largely patronized than any other temple in the place.Processions in his honor are among the most prominent indicationsof religious feeling, and the sect to which he belonged,the Nitchi ren shioo, has profited largely by excitementand enthusiasm.

During the year, at Nagasaki, notwithstanding the proclamationswhich had been issued by government against suchexhibitions, upon the beatification of St. Ignatius of Loyola,the Society of Jesuits made a solemn procession through thestreets, when forty priests assisted in copes, besides religiousof St. Francis, St. Dominic, and St. Austin, who then residedin the town. The next day the bishop officiated inpontificalibus, and the ceremony concluded with illuminationsof joy. The same order was observed at Arima.

During the following year the Shiogoon Hide tada, theson of Iyeyas, married the sister of Kita Mandocoro, wife ofTaikosama, mother of Hideyori, and niece of Nobu nanga.

Hideyori had still many adherents, who were attached tohim and to his father’s memory. Iyeyas had been afraidof acting against the Christians so severely as to compelthem to throw their weight into the opposite scale; but hebegan to see that he could keep all the advantages of tradethrough the Dutch, and get rid of the political dangers whichthreatened Japan through the foreign priesthood. The Jesuitsallege that the Dutch encouraged him in these views,explaining how the Society had been driven out of their countries[185]by the princes of Germany and Holland as disturbersof the public peace.

In 1612 he determined to get rid of these ever-disquietingagents, the more excited thereto by finding himself in themeshes of a net out of which he could only break his wayby force. He found that the Prince of Arima, one of thewarmest and most devoted to the cause of Christianity(whose son had married the granddaughter of Iyeyas), hadbeen intriguing with the officers at court, to win their goodoffices by bribery, in gaining for him large additions to histerritory. He now, for the first time, acted with severityagainst some of the native Christians about the court. Fourteenwere condemned to death, but the sentence was commutedto perpetual banishment and confiscation of theirestates. This action on the part of Iyeyas himself at oncebrought out into bolder relief the two parties. Those officerswho had hitherto winked at the Christians, and had permittedthem to carry on their worship and preaching undisturbed,now saw which way the wind was blowing, andacted accordingly. This severity was carried into the heartof the court—one of the concubines of Iyeyas being confinedand banished to the island of Oshima, and thence to thesmaller island of Nishima, and thence to a rock, Cozu shima,upon which seven or eight fishermen lived in straw huts,subsisting on what they caught; and these men were orderedto keep this lady.

Shortly after this, Don Protase of Arima suffered. Hisson Michael, who had been brought up as a Christian, fearingto lose possession of his father’s dominions, informedagainst him, accusing him of crimes, and suborning witnessesagainst him. Upon the proof offered he was beheaded.This Christian’s son Michael, who had divorceda Christian lady to marry the granddaughter of Iyeyas, thenturned apostate, and began a persecution within his territoriesof all who professed Christianity. He began, in orderto please Iyeyas, by putting to death two boys, his ownnephews. Here again, where the Jesuits had been most[186]intolerant, the tables were turned upon them. In the provinceof Boongo, at one time the stronghold of the RomanCatholics, the same action was being taken; and about thistime, in Yedo, the Shiogoon, on the representation of informers,put to death some natives who had built a newchurch, and banished the father out of the country.

In 1613, Don Michael of Arima was pressed by his wifeand others to renew his severities, and eight Christians wereburned near his castle by slow fires.

In 1614, Iyeyas was stimulated by the opponents of Christianityto take action against those who professed it. Withthe advice of his council he issued orders that all religious,European and Japanese, should be sent out of the country,that the churches should be pulled down, and the Christianmembers be forced to renounce their faith. To carry outthese orders, all foreign priests and natives, members of theJesuit Society, were ordered to leave Miako, Osaka and Fusimi,and retire to Nagasaki. Hojo Segami no kami was orderedto see that this order was executed; but he was chosen,perhaps, from a desire to remove him out of the way, aswell as to take the opportunity of seizing his estate. Accordingly,while he was so engaged, he was accused of somecrime, and his estates confiscated. The native Christianswere banished to Tsoongaru, at the northern extremity ofthe island. At Kanesawa, in Kanga, Justo Ookon donoTakayama was ordered to leave with the others. Stillfurther to make sure of the success of his projects, Iyeyasdispatched to the island of Kiusiu upward of 10,000 men,under three leaders, for the purpose of overawing the Christiansand putting down any attempts to rise in that quarter.In Kiusiu the new doctrines had first taken root, and hadflourished with greater luxuriance than on the main islandof Nippon. The lordships were smaller, and therefore theadvantages of trade were proportionably greater in the eyesof the proprietors. But as in the outset these lesser lordshad favored what seemed to them a source of revenue, whenthings turned against the religion they distinguished themselves[187]by zeal in putting down what in the end threatenedto deprive them of everything. In them the governmentfound the most active and zealous assistants. Many of theselords or their parents had been baptized. The Jesuits hadthere most sway, and had used it with the most intolerance;and Iyeyas determined, before striking a blow at Hideyoriin Osaka, to remove any chance of a diversion being madein his favor on the part of the Christians in this distant partof the empire. But if we believe the letters of the fathers,the fortitude and courage with which martyrdom was enduredby professing natives must be looked on with admiration.The better classes lost everything—lands, position,comforts, in many cases their wives and children, and, lastof all, their lives—in the cause of their faith. The poorergave up their lives, all they had to give, with zeal, fortitude,and even joy.

In the other parts of Kiusiu, in Tsikuzen and Figo, andin the remote islands of Xequi or Kossiki, the same spiritwas shown toward the Christians; and upon October 25,1614, three hundred persons—in a word, all the Jesuits, excepteighteen fathers and nine brothers, with a few cathechists(who lay hid in the country for the help of the faithful)—wereshipped off out of the country by a Portuguesevessel. This mode of dealing with persons in the positionassumed by these foreigners and their adherents seems tohave been at once lenient, yet determined, and mercenarywithout being severe. The party had assumed a politicalaspect threatening to the state. The very ladies of hishousehold had been supported by these foreigners in oppositionto the Kubosama himself. And as it was intendedto be a final political step, and not a religious persecution,any foreigner found thereafter spreading such intolerantdoctrines would be treated as a political partisan. Justowas put on board a Chinese vessel with some Spanish priestsand some Japonian clerks, and set sail for Manila, where hedied shortly after his arrival.

The step of removing from the capital and its neighborhood[188]all the foreign fathers was, in its results, of the utmostimportance to the cause of religion. During the rule ofNobu nanga and Taikosama, Father Rodriguez, the interpreter,a man evidently well acquainted with the languageand with the court, was invited or allowed to remain in thecapital. From the accounts sent thence it is evident that bytact and judgment Father Rodriguez had maintained hisplace, that he was in communication with the highest officersat court, and exercised an unseen but potent power inbehalf of his brethren. With such a person at court, oppositioncannot so easily gain head. Evil reports are wardedoff, occasional words in favor can be thrown in; but withthe withdrawal of such a power from the court the foreigncause becomes powerless. Every one is ready to abuse, andto chime in to please his superior. There is no possibility ofwarding off the blows aimed. It is impossible to knowwhether the highest power knows anything of the edictsput out in his name. The Buddhists, a powerful body,would be ready to press down upon and thrust out opponentswho had borne themselves so proudly in the day of theirprosperity. Their own tactics recoiled upon the fathers;and when they were turned out of court, without friendsor advocates, their cause became hopeless, and with theirdownfall the position of all other foreigners in the countrywas involved.

It is, perhaps, not a good defense of the policy adoptedin Japan, to remember that it was nearly identical with thatwhich England was compelled to adopt at the same time,and under similar circumstances. In both countries thechange was conducted by the government, and in both thespirit of the people rose against the interference of a foreignpriesthood with the national concerns. The truth is, thatthe doctrine of the Papal supremacy is an “exterritorialityclause” of itself, which, operating in a country professinganother faith, creates an imperium in imperio, which becomesvery embarrassing to a government, whether it beJapan or England. The confiscation of abbey-lands in England[189]may be compared with, or was analogous to, the confiscationof the lands of the lords of Japan, while informersin each were rewarded by a gift of the property belongingto offenders of less note. The difficulty with which Japanhad to cope was, that there was no mode of escape frompersecution by going into exile into other countries untilthe storm had blown over.

In 1615, after getting rid of these politically dangerouspersons, Iyeyas seemed to think that he might push thingsto extremities with Hideyori and his mother. He orderedup all the troops in Kiusiu to Osaka, and thither he repairedwith a large force. He had endeavored for some time tomake Hideyori spend his revenues so freely as to impoverishhis exchequer. He had induced him to rebuild the largetemple of Buddha in Miako, and the day was fixed for theconsecration; but the suspicions of the mother were roused,and the solemnity was postponed. The young man had presenteda large bell to the temple, upon which, it is said, thata wish was engraved that Yedo might be destroyed. Thisbell is never struck. This was made a pretext for a quarrel,and as the deserters from the castle reported that it was unprovided,it was forthwith invested, and war entered upon.There were many able commanders in the party of Hideyori,and the castle of Osaka was defended so well that after sometime Iyeyas was obliged to retire and raise the siege, as hewas losing prestige by delay, and men by desertion. Anarmistice was agreed upon at the desire of Iyeyas; but itseems to have been demanded only to give time. The surroundingcountry was desolated, and before long hostilitieswere renewed; and as a part of the army of Hideyori wasencamped outside, a general battle ensued on June 3, 1615.In the account of the Jesuits, two of whom were present,the army of Iyeyas was on the point of defeat, when, probablythrough treachery, the castle was set on fire, the troopsof Hideyori became panic-struck, and a total rout and generalslaughter ensued. In the relation by Trigautius it isstated that in no battle in Japanese history did so much[190]slaughter take place as in this. The populous neighborhood,the density of the city, the lawlessness of the troops, all combinedto produce a fearful carnage. No certain informationwas ever got of the death of Hideyori or his mother. In allprobability they committed suicide, and their bodies weredestroyed in the conflagration. Reports were circulated oftheir having fled—some said to Koya, others to Satsuma;but as diligent search was made for six months after, andno trace of them was discovered with certainty either thenor in after years, the common report is likely to be correct.His natural son was taken and beheaded. After this decisivebattle, Iyeyas, having satisfied himself that he hadmade all things sure about Miako and Osaka, returned toSoonpu, and his son to Yedo. However, Iyeyas did notlive long to gather the fruits of his sowing, or witness thesuccess of his schemes in the working of his laws. He diedon March 8, 1616, at Soonpu, advising his sons to be kindto the nobles, and, above all, to govern their subjects in thespirit of tenderness and affection. He died not without suspicionof his having been poisoned by his second son, Hideyas,the elder brother of Hidetada, the Shiogoon. He was buriedin the hills of Nikko, a short distance north of Yedo, withgreat splendor. His posthumous title or name and rank isTo sho, Dai Gongen mia (Tung chau, Ta K’iuen hien kung)d’zo jo itchi-i, Dai jo dai jin—The Eastern Light, the IllustriousGem (a Buddhist title for a deified being) of the firstrank, Prime Minister. He is often spoken of as To sho gooand Gongen sama, but this latter is a generic term, and notspecially applicable to any individual.

The East India Company endeavored, shortly before thedeath of Iyeyas, to open a trade with Japan, and the lettersof Captain Saris, Cocks, and others, give an interesting accountof the country at the time. In answer to a letter fromthe King of Great Britain, Iyeyas granted to his majesty’ssubjects certain privileges of trade, and the settling of a factoryin Japan, and confirmed these under his broad seal forthe better determining thereof. This document, a fac-simile[191]of the original, is to be seen in Purchas. For sufficient reasons,the factory was in no long time withdrawn, and thetrade entirely ceased in 1621.

In 1619 some notice of the persecutions carried on againstChristians is given in Mr. Cocks’ letter, which corroboratesthe accounts received through the Roman Catholic channels,and is worthy of note as being written by one who evidentlybore no great goodwill to that form of the Christian religion,and will render it unnecessary to allude further to the fearfulparticulars detailed by Trigautius and others:

“The persecution in this country, which before proceededno further than banishment and loss of civil and religiousliberties, has since (as this letter tells us) run up to all theseverities of corporal punishment. The Christians sufferedas many sorts of deaths and torments as those in the primitivepersecutions; and such was their constancy that theiradversaries were sooner weary of inflicting punishments thanthey of enduring the effects of their rage. Very few, if anyat all, renounced their profession; the most hideous formsin which death appeared (by the contrivance of their adversaries)would not scare them, nor all the terrors of a solemnexecution overpower that strength of mind with which theyseemed to go through their sufferings. They made theirvery children martyrs with them, and carried them in theirarms to the stake, choosing rather to resign them to theflames than leave them to the bonzes to be educated in thepagan religion. All the churches which the last storm leftstanding this had entirely blown down and demolished, andheathen pagodas were erected upon their ruins.”

Edict after edict emanated, or at least were said to emanate,from the Shiogoon, ordering more and more severeaction to be taken against the Christians. There remainedno power of verifying these edicts, no one to speak a wordat court for the unfortunate creatures; while they were surroundedby hungry wolves, who might invent edicts in orderto profit by the confiscation of property, whose interest itwas that the infant heir should be destroyed with his father,[192]and who were further incited by the priests, or bozangs, whognashed their teeth in the hour of victory over enemies whohad lorded it so proudly over them in the short days of theirprosperity. By such ferocity, combined with a strict watchkept up on foreign vessels, the Christian religion was nearlyextirpated; but in the district of Arima, nearly the wholeof the inhabitants, having all their lives professed Christianity,at last in desperation resolved rather to fight than submitto such a system of persecution.

CHAPTER VII
THE LAWS OF IYEYAS

Iyeyas had shown himself an able commander, and anastute, if a somewhat unscrupulous, diplomatist. He isknown to this day as a legislator. Hitherto the countryseems to have been governed by the laws of Tankaiko, andthese are still in force. But Iyeyas thought it necessary tolay down rules for those who formed his own court—themilitary chiefs (with their two-sworded followers), whom heintended to act as the executive throughout the empire. He,to this end, issued one hundred rules or directions as his testament,to be bequeathed to his descendants in power, as aguide to them in the office which he hoped would be hereditaryin his family. It is said that Iyeyas was assisted indrawing up this code by Nijio dono, Kon chi eeng, Tenkaisojo and Kanga. The originals are now kept at the templeof Koo no san, and it is intended that no one but the ministersof state shall ever see them. These rules are commonlycalled “Bookay hiak kadjo”—the hundred lines or rules forthe military class. The title is Go yu i jowo or Yu i gengor gong—the last testament of Tosho goo, in one hundredsections.

[193]The following translation of these rules is to be lookedupon as a mere sketch, or such defective information as aJapanese who understood little English could convey to theauthor, who understood little Japanese, and the division into100 sections is difficult to ascertain in the original.

* No one is to act simply for the gratification of his owndesires, but he is to strive to do what may be opposed to hisdesires—i.e., to exercise self-control—in order that every onemay be ready for whatever he may be called upon by hissuperiors to do.

* The aged, whether widowers or widows, and orphans,and persons without relatives, every one should assist withkindness and liberality, for justice to these four is the rootof good government.

* Respect the gods, keep the heart pure, and be diligentin business during the whole life.

* If the Kubosama (or Shiogoon) should die childless,then Ee, Honda, Sakakibarra, and Sakai,[4] together with theolder and most able servants of the Kubosama, are to meettogether, and, no matter whether he be distantly or nearlyrelated, they are to fix upon the man most worthy, and ofmost merit, as successor.

* Upon whomsoever the Mikado may confer the title ofSe i shio goon, it is ordained that the customs shall continueas in the time of Kamakura dono (Yoritomo).

* All the rice produce (cheegio) of the empire (at my disposal)amounts to 28,900,000 koku. Of this, I arrange that20,000,000 is to be divided among the Daimios and Shomiosor Hattamoto, and the remaining 8,900,000 koku shall belongto the Kubosama.

* It is the duty of the Kubosama to guard from dangerthe Emperor and his palace, and to preserve peace and tranquillityin the empire in every direction.

[194]* All the Bookay—i.e., military officers—are to take carethat the laws of the empire are not lightly changed; but assometimes necessity may arise for a change, they may yieldon special occasions.

* All Daimios and Hattamotos who adhered to me andmy cause up to the time of the war at Osaka (with Hideyori)are to be Fudai. Those who since that time have given intheir adhesion, and have remained steadfast, are Tozamma(Ch., ngoy yeong), outside lords. Of Tozamma there areeighty-six, of Fudai eight thousand and twenty-three, andof Kammong, or relations of my family, thirteen. Of visitors(lords who visit Iyeyas on equal terms, called Okiaksamaor Hin re-i), five, who are:

1. Kitsure gawa dono, } descendants of Yoritomo.
2. Iwa matz manjiro,

3. Matzdarra Tajima no kami, who was the seventh sonof Hideyas (elder brother of Hidetada), and so grandson ofIyeyas. He was adopted by Taikosama, but was returnedto his father on the birth of Hideyori, and was afterwardadopted by Yuki.

4. Tatchibanna hida no kami—of a very old illustriousfamily. He was military teacher of Iyaymitz ko, third Kubosama,and would not acknowledge Iyeyas as his superior,but had not much power, and was not disturbed by Iyeyas.

5. Tokungawa Mantokuji was a very old branch of theTokungawa line.

* Ko fhoo jo nai (a name of the shiro or castle of Yedo;the Chinese characters are different from the Ko fu of theprovince of Kahi, where the Shiogoon has a castle) presentson the left side the shape of a dragon, on the right, thatof an (washi) eagle; to the northwest lies the second, Kukoor Maro; to the north lies the third; to the west, the fourth;to the southwest, the fifth.

The O ban goomi, or large guard of the Kubosama, consistingof twelve companies, may be likened to the twelvegods (the Yakushi riorai). The Sho eeng bang—the lesserguard of ten companies—are like the ten stars. The Dzeng[195]koo or Sakitay (who lead the van in war) are thirty-threecompanies, like the thirty-three heavens. The Mochizutzu,musqueteers (who fire balls of five momays weight), areseven companies, like the Stchi wo or seven lights—the sun,moon and planets. The Sho ban gashira, numbering twenty-eight,are similar to the twenty-eight stars. The Ro shing—i.e.old servants (acting as the Gorogiu or cabinet)—areas the four heavens. Over them, and higher, is placed theShiogoon. These are all so arranged to suit well-known andeasily remembered arrangements in the Buddhist books ofreligion.

* There are many Fudai, but of this class the Mikawa,or old Fudai, are to rank the highest. Of these there arefourteen: 1, Tori yee; 2, Itakura; 3, Owokubo; 4, Todda;5, Honda; 6, Ogassawara; 7, Akimoto; 8, Sakakibarra; 9,Sakkye; 10, Ishikawa; 11, Kooze; 12, Katto; 13, Abbe;14, ——. Of these families, if able men can be foundamong them, the Gorogiu or cabinet is to be chosen. TozammaDaimios, however able they may be, cannot haveseats in the Gorogiu, or take any part in government.

* The families and names of all Daimios, large andsmall, who have acted with me in my wars, shall continue(i.e., shall not be removed from the peerage), howeverbadly they conduct themselves, unless they turn rebelsor traitors.

* In regard to the Koku shiu, Rio shiu, Jo shu (classes ofDaimios—the first, lord of a province; the second, lord of adistrict; the third, lord of a castle), Tozamma and Fudai, ifthey break the laws and oppress the people, no matter howold the line or how large their territory, I will use my powerand forces to brush them away from both territory and castle.This is the duty of the Shiogoon alone.

* Among officers the different ranks are to be observed,each according to his rank or his official income; but if theyare equal in both, the eldest in years shall take precedence.

* The President of the Hio jo sho [a deliberative courtin Yedo with judicial powers] must be selected as being a[196]man of the clearest mind and best disposition; and onceevery month it shall be the duty of the Shiogoon to go to themeeting, without giving previous notice of the day, when hehimself must decide on the questions brought before him.

* Each province is divided into kowori, sho, mura, andsato—districts, parishes, villages, and hamlets. In the muraand sato, should there be any family of old standing amongthe lower classes, even though the head of it may be verypoor, he ought to be appointed officer; and if a rich mansettles in the village, he is not to be made an officer. Thisis to be the law in all territories, whether of a Koku shiu,Rio shiu, Jo shu, or Ji towo (ground-head, i.e., landed proprietor,not eligible to office).

* All Daimios and Hattamotos not in office (i.e., notresiding at Yedo), whether Tozamma or Fudai, are commandednot to be unjust toward me. My business is toguard the Emperor and his court and the whole empire ofJapan, and I command you to assist me in repairing andkeeping up all the imperial castles, roads, rivers, and guards.

* The repairing the Shiogoon’s residence, the keepingin repair public roads, keeping up ferries, etc., is Fushin;Daimios are sometimes called shokowo; when they are actingas guards, as in Kanagawa, they are “Katamme”; andin keeping up these guards, the whole expense is borne bythe Daimios.

* Irayzumi, the marking a criminal with ink or gunpowder;Go ku mong, putting a decapitated head in a boxfor exposure; Haritske, spearing on a cross; Ushizaki, tyingfour oxen’s tails to a man’s limbs, and starting them off byfire to tear off the limbs; Kumma iri, boiling a criminal inhot water. These are old punishments for criminals. Theofficers are to try to discover who are worthy men, and theyare to be rewarded with territory, titles, and rank. Criminalsare to be punished by branding (or marking), or beating,or tying-up, and, in capital cases, by spearing or decapitation;but the old punishments of tearing to pieces andboiling to death are not to be used.

[197]* When I was young I determined to fight and punishall my own and my ancestors’ enemies, and I did punishthem; but afterward, by deep consideration, I found that theway of heaven was to help the people, and not to punishthem. Let my successors follow out this policy, or they arenot of my line. In this lies the strength of the nation.

* In regard to filling in new ground, if there are no objections,it may be done according to the laws in force in thetime of Yoritomo; but if objections are made (by neighborsor others), it is not to be carried out.

* In case also of wishing to make new canals (hori), orlakes (Ikay), reservoirs of water, old precedents are to guidethe officers.

* If there be a lawsuit as to a property or a road, if it isshown to have existed fifty years, the question cannot afterwardbe reopened.

* Among officers outside and inside there are at timesunseemly brawls as to rank, but these are all to be settlednow, and I settle them accordingly in the following order:

Tai ro sin, Orussuee, Tai ro jiu (now Gorojiu), Soshi,Osaka jio dai, Soonpu riobang, Waka doshi yori, Soba yonin, Kokay, Sosha, Jeesha boonyo, Oku toshi yori (obsolete),Nishi maro russui, Owo metske, Kotai yori yaï, Hira toshiyori (obsolete), Kanjo boonyo, Matchi boonyo, Oku ko shongashira, Naka oku ko sho, Sho eeng ban gashira, O bangashira, Shin ban gashira, Onando kashira, Ko nandokashira, Krii no ma tsu may bang, Gan no ma tsu maybang, Fuyo no ma yakunin, Tskyebang, Ki roku sho yakuninand Hio moku no mono, Ten shoo bang, Hozo bang,Hatta boonyo, Katana ban gashira, Motchi yumi ngashira,Motchi tsudzu gashira, Sakitay gashira, Yari boonyo, Kooshiboonyo, Ma ya betto, Funatay ngashira, Makanai gashira,Jusha, Eeshi, Fushing boonyo, Tan sz boonyo, Do bo ngashira,Zashiki bang, Hi no ban gashira, Katchi metske gashira,Kobito gashira, Iga no kashira, Kurokwa kashira, Tayshigashira. And below this rank, all the captains or officersof companies will settle the ranks. When the official income[198]is above 10,000 koku, the Roshing or Gorogiu shall settle,below this the Waka toshi yori. The highest of all is theSo to rio, the Tai ro shin, or Go tai ro, or Sosai; i.e., theRegent.

* There are men who always say Yes (i.e., agree withme), and there are others who sometimes say No (i.e., expressa different opinion from me). Now, the former I wishto put away from me, and the latter I wish to be near me.The elders of the Gorogiu are to examine and see that mendo not do such business only as is agreeable to them, andavoid all that is the reverse. I wish to have about me allopinions of men, both those who differ from me and thosewho agree with me.

* If some man should say such a one deserves to be putto death, the officers must not act upon his wish alone; butif all the people say such a one should be put to death, theofficers must examine into the case; and if all the people saysuch a one should be rewarded, I myself must examine, orthe country will be lost.

* As to cormorant-fishing and hawking, some men usedto say that these amusements were useless and expensive,and they were in consequence interdicted. But I do notprohibit them. They strengthen the body, and, with riding,archery, hunting, and shooting, are not to be forgotten oromitted in time of peace by the military classes in the empire.

* Singing, dancing, and music are not strictly militaryoccupations, and soldiers ought not to devote themselves tothese accomplishments; but at times the mind is oppressed,and the heart is heavy, and requires relaxation and mirth,and therefore these are not to be altogether prohibited.

* I am descended from the Emperor Saywa Ten wo,[5] but[199]my family had lost all its property through the power of ourenemies, and had sunk down to Matzdaira [a small villagein Mikawa, from which the family of Iyeyas takes its name];but through the kindness of the Emperor I have, relyingupon documents and history, changed (or traced) the nameof my family to Seratta, and Nitta, and Tokungawa, and inall time coming this last is to remain the name of the family.

* I have fought ninety battles, and narrowly escaped withmy life eighteen times. Having so escaped, I therefore outof gratitude erected eighteen temples, and I wish my sonsand descendants to adhere to the Iodo sect (of Buddhists).

* In Booffoo (the military office; i.e., Yedo) I built thetemple of To yay san, and requested the Mikado to installas chief-priest a Sinwo—i.e., of the royal family of the firstrank (he is now known as Oo yay no mia, and is the mostillustrious personage in Yedo in point of birth and honorsacceded to him: he lives in To yay zan, a residence formerlythe property of Toda, Idzumi no kami)—to pray that the evilinfluences of the devil may be warded off, and that peaceand prosperity may prevail over Japan. And also in orderthat if the Mikado should be induced to side with traitors orforeigners, and these concert with or gain possession of theperson of the Mikado, then the Dai Shiogoon shall installthe Oo yay no mia as Mikado, and punish the rebels.

* From ancient times there have been different sects ofreligion other than the Jashiu (Crooked sect; i.e., Christians).Now any one of the people can adhere to which hepleases (except the Christian); and there must be no wranglingamong sects, to the disturbance of the peace of theempire.

[200]* The families of Minna moto, Taira, Fusiwara, Tatchibanna,Soongawara, Oway, Ariwara, and Kiowara, are alldirect descendants of Mikados. Out of these families thehead of the military must be chosen. If there be amongthese families men of good character, but uneducated, cowardly,and ignorant of the way of holiness, such are not tobe selected for this office. Therefore it is necessary thatall the members of these families should be diligent instudy.

* To insure the empire peace, the foundation must be laidin the ways of holiness and religion; and if men think theycan be educated, and will not remember this, it is as if aman were to go to a forest to catch fish, or thought he coulddraw water out of fire. They must follow the ways ofholiness.

* All men are liable to sickness. If doctors become richthey grow indolent, therefore it is improper that they shouldacquire territory or landed property, but they are to be paidby every one, high and low, according to the visits paid.

* Those who study the stars, and the higher orders ofSinto priests, formerly spread the idea that they were worthyof equal reverence with the gods. If in future they presumeto do so, they are to be punished.

* In former times, when high-priests and ministers of theBuddhist religion committed crimes, and were liable to punishment,the people thought that to punish them was thesame as punishing the gods. They are to think so no more,but the military officers are to punish such offenders withoutfear.

* Booffoo, Osaggi, Booggi, Itchiko Meeko, Nobooshi,Yamabooshi, Gozay [these are different kinds of impostors,fortune-tellers, diviners, fox magicians, mesmerizers, clairvoyants,etc.], Maykura, and vagabonds who go about withoutregular business and breaking the laws, raising quarrels,must all be punished.

* Let every gentleman with the right to wear a longsword remember that his sword is to be as his soul, and that[201]he is not to part from it but with his life. If he forget hissword he must be punished.

* In the Nengo of Boon ro ku, 1592-96, the two officersOgochi and Assano surveyed all Japan. They made areport, which was laid before the Emperor. A survey ofthe provinces, counties, districts and parishes was made,together with the forests, mountains, rivers, and a calculationwas made of the value. If a man possess land yielding1,000 koku, he is to provide five horsemen. If 10,000, 50horsemen. If 50,000, 250 horsemen. If 100,000 koku, 1,000horsemen. This is one “goon” or regiment. 3,000 horsemenmake one battalion, over which is placed one general orJo sho. Over 2,000 is placed a Lieutenant-general, or Chiusho. Over 1,000 is placed a Kasho, or Major-general [allthis is altered now]. But I have a regard for old customsand long service, therefore the house of Ee shall be over allthe generals. Ee man chiu was my general, therefore I presentedhim with a gold Sai hae [a baton like a fan, used byhigh military officers]; and I made Honda “Kasho,” andgave him a paper Sai hae. The above arrangement all militaryofficers are to make themselves acquainted with.

* If disputes arise as to the boundaries of the territories(Rioboong of Daimios or of Hattamoto), these are to be referredto an Owometske and the Kanjo boonyo, the head ofthe Treasury. But if the disputants refuse to abide by thedecision, and fighting ensues, the ground in dispute shall beconfiscated by the Shiogoon.

* Byshings (Ch., Peichin)—i.e., large retainers of Daimios—evenif they have large landed possessions, and areequal in wealth to Daimios, are not on the same footing withJiki shing (i.e., retainers of the Shiogoon), and are alwaysinferior to the latter in rank, even though superior in wealth.

* In fights among the common people, even if two orthree are killed on one side, both parties are to be lookedupon as criminal, and to be punished, but not so severelyas if a man out of forethought murders another, and doesnot act on the heat of the moment.

[202]* If a man employs another to commit a murder, if aman poisons, and wishes to make profit or advantage tohimself out of a murder, or if a thief murders to steal, suchmen must be discovered, even if the grass of all Japan islooked through.

* Of the four employments in Japan—the Samurai, two-swordedgentlemen; the Hyaksho, the farmer; Shokonini,artisan; and the Akindo, merchant—the Samurai is the firstin rank. If one of the other three are rude in conduct to aSamurai, he himself can punish him. But among Samuraithere are different ranks, some being Jiki shing, others Byshing,retainers of the Shiogoon and retainers of Daimios,and others servants of Byshings, who also are Kimi andShing, master and servant. If among any of these an inferioris rude or impolite or insolent, then he is to be treatedas if he were an Akindo; i.e., a merchant.

* That one man and one woman should live together isa great law of nature, therefore at the age of sixteen all menand women ought to be married. But no man is allowed tomarry a woman of the same surname with himself, but examinationmust be made as to the parentage and line of descentof the betrothed, and thus the way of heaven will beadhered to.

* If a man have no son he may adopt one, but the fathermust be fifteen years of age before he adopts a son. If aDaimio or Hattamoto have no son or adopted son, the linebecomes extinct. But if the last heir of a Daimio’s familybe very delicate and sickly, he may, even if young, adopta child to keep up the line of the house. This is the way ofConfucius.

* (In old times the Mikado went round the provinces.)Hereafter an officer must go round all the provinces onceevery five or seven years, and make a report to the Shiogoon.(This is now obsolete.)

* As to the old Kokoshu, I will not interfere with theirprovinces; but in the case of recently made Kokoshu andDaimios, if they keep the same territory for a very long[203]time, they become proud, and oppress the people, thereforein the case of these latter it is well to change them occasionallyfrom one territory to another.

* Among Hyaksho, Shokonin, and Akindo—i.e., farmers,artisans, and merchants—if their wives secretly commitadultery, the law of nature is broken; and whether the husbandreport the matter to the officers or not is of no consequence,both parties must be punished; but if the husbandis a proper spirited man, and puts the adulterer to death, heis not to be punished. But if he should wish to pardon boththe wife and her paramour, it may be done. The judge isnot to be hasty.

* If the same thing take place in the family of a Samurai,the judge must be very severe and strict in punishing.

* In Japan there is an old saying that the same heavencannot cover a man and the enemy (murderer?) of his fatheror mother or master or elder brother. Now, if a man seekto put to death such an enemy, he must first inform the Ketsdan sho [this is a department which takes cognizance ofcriminal matters] office at the Hio jo sho, and say in howmany days or months he can carry out his intention. Thisis to be entered in the book of the office. If he kills thisenemy without such previous intimation, he is to be consideredas a murderer.

* If a servant kills his master, he is to be considered asthe same as the Emperor’s enemy, and his relations are alllikewise to be considered in the same light, and must be extirpatedroot and branch. If a servant has made the attempt,even if unsuccessful, the family is to be extirpated.—Kandois to take the name of a family out of the book of Japan.

* In regard to wives and concubines, the law and customsare the same as between master and servant. TheMikado is allowed twelve concubines. Daimios and Hattamotosare allowed to have eight. Tei fu—i.e., men withtitles—and Sho daibu are allowed five. Officers and Samuraiare allowed two concubines. This is to be found in the oldholy books of the Rai ki rites and ceremonies (Lei, king of[204]China). At times very foolish and bad men have made theway to the Rai ki dark, and have addicted themselves tonumerous concubines, and so broken the laws of nature. Informer times, whenever Daimios or officers have lost theirterritories and castles, it may in nearly all cases be tracedto this cause. Hence the man is not upright who is muchgiven to women.

[It is a common error with writers upon Japan to allegethat the Japanese are indifferent to the respectability of theirwives; and, indeed, that they rather prefer to take one fromamong the public courtesans; and, further, to convey theimpression that nearly all the women of the country gothrough some such course before marriage. Such an ideais contrary to common sense as well as to propriety; and thecommon belief that the spirits take a warm interest and performan important part in the marriage of every pair inJapan shows that the rite itself is looked upon as a veryimportant institution, requiring Divine sanction and blessing,and not to be lightly entered upon for the gratificationof temporary or transient feelings. On the other hand, intercoursebetween parties not married is looked upon as disreputable,or at least an attempt is made to convey such animpression to young persons. All such connections are called“damass koto,” i.e., a false, a sham affair; and it is said ofsuch persons that the fox—i.e., the devil—has tied the yengor knot. It is a common saying by youths, “I know that itis damass koto; but the fox always brings us together again,and I cannot cut the thread.” As their idea of the yeng istaken from the Chinese, it shows that polygamy is not, withthat large portion of the human race, looked on with approval.In China the first wife is the only wife; the otherswho may be taken afterward are concubines. In these countriesthe position of a prostitute is different from what it isin Christian communities, as they are forced to the life, andeducated to it from childhood; and the education and mixingwith the world in conversation gives them often a clevernessand power of pleasing which are often wanting in the ladies[205]brought up in the quiet and seclusion of a Chinese family.Besides, they go to the same churches and worship the samegods, going through their devotions as religiously as the restof the community.]

* The relations of the husband are with external things,those of the wife with internal. The observance of this leadsto the peace or smooth-working of the empire. If these relationsare changed, folly ensues, the house is deranged, andit is as if a hen were to crow in the morning. All men areto take care to avoid the beginning of this evil.

* At Iwatski, and at Kawagoi in Musashi, and at Sakuraand Seki yado and Koga in Simosa, and at Takasaki andOossuee in Kowotsuki, and at Ootsu no mia in Shimo tsuki,and at Odawara in Segami, nine places are to be castles,which are as the guards or outposts of Yedo. The Daimiosin possession of these castles are to act in unison with Yedoas a center.

* At the castles of Soonpu and Kunowo there must beplaced able commanders, as these places are the keys ofYedo; to Osaka in Setsu and Fushimi in Yamashiro, officersof the fourth rank must be sent, and an able Fudai Daimio,besides twelve captains. If war begins, Osaka and Fusimiare the keys of the country.

* To the Nijio castle of the Kubosama at Miako one ofthe principal Fudai must be sent, who must be a general,because he is the head of the executive at Miako, and hasthe direction of the San jiu san koku; i.e., the thirty-threeprovinces west of Miako.

* In the provinces round Yedo there are sixteen gateswhere travelers are examined. At each of these gates aFudai must be stationed, to see that the laws are observed,and that not a spear the size of a needle passes toward Yedo,but pack-horses and carriages may pass.

* The office of Kiusiu Tandai (the Viceroy of the islandof Kiusiu) was formerly held by the Owotomo family. Sincethis family has been destroyed, the office has been in abeyance.I now command Shim adzu and Nabeshima (Satsuma[206]and Fizen) each to act as Viceroy in alternate years, andwill not permit any other to fill the office.

* Within the castle of Yedo are twenty-eight places orgates (Bansho or Mitskay), with guards; without there aretwenty-eight. Those within the castle are to be kept byFudai, those outside by Tozamma.

* In regard to San kin [those who are officially on dutyin Yedo] officers, care must be taken to note such as are diligentand such as are indolent, and they are to be rewardedor punished accordingly. Those who are rich are to be putinto situations entailing expense, and those who are poor intothe less expensive.

* All the Daimios on duty in Yedo are not to be employedsimultaneously, as some may be suddenly required for extraordinaryservice.

* Foreign ships are allowed to come to Nagasaki. Oldand trustworthy officers are to be sent there. The kimbangor guards are to be four captains, whose official income shallbe more than 3,000 kokus each. There are to be both footand horse soldiers. As the expenses are great there, theYakunins or officers must receive yaku rio; i.e., additionalmoney according to their business.

* As by convulsions of nature, such as earthquakes, thecourses of rivers are changed, lakes are made or dried up,and mountains overthrown, the expense of repairing theseravages and paying the laborers is to be borne by all Daimiosin proportion to their revenues.

* In all the empire the main roads are to be six keng wide(or about sixty feet[6]). Cross-roads are to be three matswide or eighteen feet; Yoko mitchi, or bridle-paths, twomats; Katchi mitchi, walking paths, one mat or six feet;Sakuba mitchi or tchika mitchi, less than three feet. On[207]either side of a ferry landing, ground is to be left to thewidth of sixty mats, or 360 feet, so that when many personsmay collect care may be taken. This is the custom as toferries ever since the time of my ancestor, Nitta, Oee noskay, Yoshi shige, Nioo do, called “Josay dono.”

* All the revenues arising from rates levied at ferries,lakes, hills, etc., are not to be used by the military department,but are reserved for the Mikado’s treasury.

* It is not allowed to any one to build a house in the middleof wheat or rice fields, as the shadow of the house andtrees spoils the surrounding ground, and renders it unproductive.If any dare so to build, all the building is to beswept away, and he is to be confined for 100 days.

* For the settlement of what is old plantation and whatis new, it is decided that Furui yama, or old trees, are thosewhich at the level of the eye are three feet or more in circumference.Atarashi yama, or new plantations, are treeswhich are less than three feet at the level of the eye.—Atone time this was a source of great trouble in Japan.

* If a large tree overshadows a neighbor’s house or drying-floor,so that rice, grain or wheat cannot be exposed tothe sun, when necessary the branches may be cut off.

* Every year the Kanjo sho is to send in a report of badbridges, roads, etc., in need of repair.

* In the good old-fashioned times the relations of masterand servant were like those of water and fish, but now, inthese times, people are apt to become proud and to disliketheir work, but every one is to do faithfully the work assignedto him, and not to throw his work or duties on another.This is very important to be remembered, and is notdifficult to be learned. The result is like water flowingdown encircling the country, at which all the people rejoice.

* Honcho, or Japan, is the (Shin koku) country of spirits.Therefore we have among us the Jiu (Confucianism), Shaku(Buddhist), Sen (Ch., Tseen), Do (Taouist), and other sects.If we leave our gods (Shin), it is like refusing the wages ofour master and taking them from another. Therefore a[208]watch is to be kept as to this. But as to Itchiko (divination)and Buddhistic practices, the workers are not to bedriven away, but the people are not to follow them.

* In regard to dancing-women, prostitutes, brothels, nightwork, and all other improper employments, all these are likecaterpillars or locusts in the country. Good men and writersin all times have written against them. But as it is a lawof nature that man should desire the society of woman, it isenacted that these people and places shall not be tolerated;but as it would, if the laws were rigidly carried out, be aperpetual punishing and nothing else, they are not to beadministered severely, but out of a regard for the uneducatedand the nature of mankind these offenses are to be lightlypassed over.

* It has been the wont of my ancestors ever to follow outthe thread of the customs of (Yoritomo) Kamakura dono,and no other customs are to be observed. But the heartand goodness of Hige mori (Komatzu dono, eldest son of Kiomori) is never to be forgotten.—This refers to the steadyopposition made by him to the “mauvais desseins” of hisfather, Kio mori, against the family of Yoritomo in 1170-80A.D. He is called in the “Annales des Empereurs” “hommehabile, vertueux, et juste.” He was extremely distressed athearing of the treachery of his father in inviting the regentto a conference, and then ordering him to be cut to pieces.After his death, Kio mori, seeing no one to oppose him, regardlessof everything, acted according to his own pleasure.

* When a master dies, his servants think it their dutyto commit suicide. This is an old custom, but it is quiteunreasonable, and nothing can justify a man in so acting.Sometimes, instead of committing suicide, there is a customof putting into the grave figures representing servants.This is more unreasonable than the other. Such persons arenot upright, and those who in future do these things must beseverely punished.

* If war arise, the (Taisho) commander-in-chief has noother business but to mold men to his use. The master of[209]men must know what each is useful for. Men are like instruments—onecannot do the work of a chisel with a hammer;one cannot make a small hole with a saw, but a gimletmust be used. The principle is the same as to men. Menwith brains are to be used for work requiring brains; menof strong frame for work requiring strength; men of strongheart for work requiring courage. Weak men are to be putinto poor places. Every man in his proper place. There areplaces for weak men and places for fools. All this must beregulated by the head and brains of the Taisho. Soldiersare to be chosen on these principles, so that with a thousandmen in one body, the whole may act together, and the empirehave peace. This is always to be kept in memory.

* If one man rises to be full of, or puffed up with, militarypower (Boo i ippai), he will try to make himself equalwith or superior to the highest, the Mikado. This is a veryserious error; there is always a tendency to it. But when ithappens, it is natural that he should become proud, and notrespect the Mikado. The land of spirits—i.e., Japan—willbe lost. The judgment of Heaven will assuredly fall uponhim.—This is intended for his successors, the Shiogoons,who might be puffed up with their position.

* The Sinwo kay and Mia gata—i.e., the families ofthose of the royal blood—are the supporters of the Mikado.All the high ranks of the Mikado’s court, the Koongyo andthe Koongays, are not to alter the old laws of the empire,but are to pay the highest respect to the Mikado, and arenot to be rude or insolent.

* As to the Hinrei Skiaku [the descendants of old Shiogoons,such as Ashikanga, Hojio and others, to whom rankand territory have been assigned], their history and pedigreeare to be inscribed in a book. What their customs may beis of no consequence to me, but if they interfere with thelaws or the government established by me, or even if theybecome very proud and oppress the people, I will punishthem.

* As to Nagoya, Wakayama and Mito [known now as[210]Owarri, Kii and Mito, the San kay, or “three families,”sons of Iyeyas], and the fifteen Kammong, the heir mustalways be the eldest son, and the territory of each cannotbe divided among two or three sons.

* Daimios with incomes of 100,000 koku, and the Roshinor Gorojiu, and officers upon outside business, and all captainsof the guards, are to be of the same rank as Kokushu.

* In regard to Fudai and Tozamma, and wealthy retainersof Daimios (Byshings and Karo), in going from and returningto Yedo they must observe the laws of the road, andthey are not to make their trains very splendid or very poor—i.e.,a man of large income is not to go with a very splendidtrain, neither is a man with small income to go with avery meager retinue; and they are not, as if they werepuffed up, and to show their military power, to give troubleto the hotels, or oppress the coolies and porters on the road.This is to be notified to Daimios each time they come toYedo.

* As to ships, the sea, rivers, roads, porters, horses, therates are now all settled for greater or shorter distances, andalso as to weights to be carried; but all government carriageis to be done with the greatest expedition, regardless ofexpense.

* All San kin (those Daimios officially resident in Yedo)are to make a present (or rather pay a tax) to the Gorogiu,and to the under officers of state. Those whose incomes exceed10,000 koku are to give gold, or kin badai—i.e., goldinstead of a horse; if below 10,000 koku, they give silver(gin badai) to each of the high officers. Wealthy Daimios,with large official incomes, are to give much, those withsmall incomes are to give little. This money the Gorogiuis to appropriate to the expenses of the office.

* Among the servants of the Shiogoon are those whohave much ability and influence, and those who have littleof either; they are to act together, and mutually to assistone another. By this means the government will worksmoothly. Men must be divided according to their abilities[211]and dispositions, but they must be rewarded or punishedaccording to their actions.

* When I built the Danring (eighteen temples) beforementioned, I put, or I made them, San mong (hill-doors).[The San mong temple of Hiyay san near Miako is a copyof the Tien Tai shan of China.] The Ten dai no zass (headof the Buddhists) asked me why I had built these San mongor hill-doors, saying that he was the same as the center ofheaven, and had his seat upon the three stars (San tai say,three sets of stars). I returned no answer. Now it is mywish that long life may be given to the Mikado (10,000years); therefore in the sixty-six provinces I built seventy-three.I have written in a book the names and numbers ofthese temples, and have sent this to the temple of Ten daisan (in Miako), therefore be it known that no other Sanmong temple is to be built.—This San mong must allude tosome kind of Buddhist temples of that name.

* All oo rin kay (military) officers and others under theShiogoon have since the time of Kamakura dono (Yoritomo)received a commission from the Mikado. All these are underthe commands of the Shiogoon. The business is the sameas that of the Jin nee kang, office of the gods in old time.Therefore, when a death occurs in my palace, or amongthose who come to my residence (i.e., Yedo), the customsof the Jin nee kang are to be observed.—The custom is toconsider, when a death takes place in a house, all connectedwith it as temporarily unclean. In the Emperor’s familywomen at certain times move to another house; when achild is born, the father and mother are considered uncleanfor a time, and cannot go to office or to a temple; when adeath takes place, persons entering a house either do nottake off their shoes, or put on others for the purpose, andthere should be neither smoking, eating, nor drinking in thehouse for three days.

* If a man neglects his duties and gives himself up togambling and drinking, and thinks that because he is ofrank he may do so, and so seduce others beneath him to the[212]same practices; if such a one has not been taught that suchconduct is wrong by his teacher, it shall be considered theteacher’s crime; but if he has been taught, he himself shallbe considered the offender, and dealt with accordingly; butin these offenses there are great differences in degree, andsome are to be punished severely, others lightly.

* Men are prone to become indolent and lazy at work,and in consequence become thieves, breaking the laws andoccasioning trouble; all these must be severely punished bydeath; and if any one sets houses on fire, forges seals or signatures,poisons, coins false money—such shall be eitherburned alive or be speared on a cross.

* A government can easily gather information as towhat men do in their business, but as to what they thinkin their hearts it is more difficult. Kamakura dono, in referenceto this, followed the customs of the Tong dynasty ofChina, and had recourse to informers, offering rewards tosuch as should give information as to evil-disposed persons.

* In regard to the Go koku, or five grains—i.e., grain ofevery kind—if these are not abundant, the way of the governmentof the Emperor is obscure. If crime abounds, theShiogoon shows himself destitute of executive energy. Hehimself must be active and diligent in his own duties.

* The higher men (? nobility) make the laws, and thelower classes follow and obey; but it is sometimes difficultto act up to the rules laid down, therefore men of rank arenot to order one thing and do another themselves, but are totake care that they carry out what they profess, and observethe laws which they lay down.

* In regard to Kokushu (territorial princes, or lords of aprovince) and Jo shiu (larger Daimios), if they act in sucha way as if not to amount to crime, still may be deservingof censure, they cannot be punished personally, but they areto be ordered to carry out some expensive undertaking forthe benefit of the country.—Such as making a fort; that atKanagawa was thus made by Oki no kami.

* Upon the death of the Kinri (the Emperor), or Sento[213](retired Emperor), or the Emperor’s wife or near relative,all music and shows of pleasure are to cease for a time. Ifone of the San ko (either the Oo- or Sa- or Nai-daijin) dies,or the Dai shiogoon, notice shall be given of how many daysthis cessation shall be.—Mourning for the Emperor lasts forthirteen months.

* When a new Emperor ascends the throne, the expensesare all to be undertaken by me, the Shiogoon, and in these Imust be liberal.

* If any representative of a foreign nation comes to thecountry, the officers must take care that everything is ingood order—that horses and horse-furniture be good, thehouses and roads clean. If they are dirty, it can be seen ata glance whether the nation is prosperous or the reverse.

* If a foreign vessel should be wrecked on the shore ofJapan, the officers of government are to be immediately informed,and an interpreter is to be sent to ask what theyrequire. Sometimes the officers may require to be strict andsevere, at other times hospitable and kind. The vessel is tobe watched, and no trading allowed.

* It is said that the Mikado, looking down on his people,loves them as a mother does her children. The same maybe said of me and of my government. This benevolence ofmind is called Jin. This Jin may be said to consist of fiveparts; these are humanity, integrity, courtesy, wisdom andtruth. Therefore I have divided the government into Tozamma,Fudai, Shing and Sso. This mode of governmentis according to the way of heaven. This I have done toshow that I am impartial, and am not assisting my ownrelations and friends only. Between the Shing and Sso itis improper that there should be any communications, andtherefore they are not to be in correspondence with each other.

* If punishments and rewards are distributed unjustly,upright men will disappear. The people will become timidand niggardly. Therefore it is of the utmost importancethat there be not the smallest act of injustice committed bygovernment officers.

[214]These laws have not been made recently by me, but haveexisted from generation to generation in the Minnamotofamily. What I have written is like a reflection in a mirror.The arrow, if it does not pierce the bull’s-eye, will perhapsstrike the target.

Old customs must, when found good on examination, beretained.

The principles and sentiments, and at times the verywords of these laws, seem to be taken from the writings ofthe old sages of China, Confucius and Mencius. Confucius,in the Chung yung, seems to have been the model afterwhich the code was drawn up. It is founded upon the fiveduties of universal obligation—that of a sovereign and minister,of a father and son, of husband and wife, of elder andyounger brothers, and between friends; and upon the principlethat the administration of government lies in gettingproper men, and that such are to be obtained by means ofthe ruler’s own character.

The idea of turning to look inward and examine one’sself is prominent in the writings of Mencius.

Mencius said people have this common saying—“Theempire, the state, the family. The root of the empire is thestate—the root of the state is in the family—the root ofthe family is in the person of its head.” And Iyeyas seemsto have recognized these principles as the foundation of hisrule, believing that when too much weight is given to thestate, despotism ensues; when the family preponderates,oligarchy of an aristocracy prevails; and where the interestsof the individual man become paramount, democracy rearsits head.

Those who framed the code were in all probability acquaintedwith the writings of the Chinese sages and theircommentators, and perhaps they refer, in the allusions toKamakura dono or Yoritomo, to some laws laid down byhim or his officers, who had more opportunity of studyingthe Chinese writings than could fall to the lot of men who[215]had been brought up in the troublous times when Iyeyaswas a youth.

The consideration of such laws laid down by Iyeyas, andwhich are more or less still in force, leads to a comparisonwith the condition of Europe during the time when feudalinstitutions were in force, the genius of these laws being inmany respects the counterpart of that which was in forcein Europe in feudal times. The constitution of all warlikenations in early times has tended to this condition. Thediscoveries of gunpowder and printing have been the greatmeans of breaking down this system; and in our day steamis rapidly breaking up what these had left.

The man to whom had been given the most capacity fordealing with men and for conducting war, was selected totake the command of those who saw these qualities in him,and confided in his ability to prosecute any undertaking to asuccessful termination. Of necessity such a man must bea soldier. He must have the capacity to govern as well asto fight; to make laws as well as to lead in battle; to conciliatemen as well as to control them. He divides the spoilsamong his followers, allowing to each a proportion accordingto his merit.

A larger portion was retained by the chief, because, independentlyof being able to appropriate it, he was to rule overall, and to incur expenses on behalf of all in the general controlof the acquired territory.

This chief generally retained in his own hand certainprivileges, such as a more or less controlling voice in thelegislature, power of life and death, and of making peaceor war and treaties of commerce, coinage of money, rightof property in mines of gold and silver, and other rights.He had the power of conferring some of these on the baronsholding land from him and under him as superior. By subdivisiona feudal kingdom was cut up into many small butsemi-independent baronies. The execution of legal decisionsbecame difficult, offenders escaping to other jurisdictions.

Through the greater expenses falling upon the king, his[216]power often waned, while that of the barons waxed greater;and to render their independence perpetual, and at the sametime to assure a support to the chief, the system of entailwas fallen upon.

The barons were ever and again adding to their propertyand power by marriages, by successions, by purchase, or byforce and might. Honors and even offices became hereditary.

So long as weapons of war were in each man’s possession,and every one was in proportion to his personal strength andactivity a soldier, no great expense fell upon the chief. Hisfollowers could be summoned at an hour’s notice.

But when the introduction of gunpowder rendered personalstrength and activity of comparatively small value, itincreased the expense falling upon the leader. Trained skillrequired time, and education was necessary. Large guns,requiring expensive ammunition, called for a more expensivesystem of fortification. The lesser barons could notundertake these. The expenses of war fell entirely upon theking. Trained soldiers required a standing army. Whenthere is any coast to defend, a navy is required.

In the practical working of the system of Iyeyas, therewas the difference between Japan and European countries,that, until the use of steam, she had no neighbors to dreadas foes or to covet as vassals. There was always an attemptto compensate for the want of this external pressure in theduality or separation of interests between the Mikado, thefountain of honors, and the executive, by whatever namethe head officer might be called, whether Kwanrei or Shiogoon.

Security was sought for by the laws of Iyeyas, not againstexternal foes, but against the decadence of the dynasty frominternal weakness, or from the power of those who ought tobe supporters becoming overwhelming. There was in Japanno call for great expenses, either in keeping up fortifications,armaments, or a standing army or navy. No embassadorswere dispatched to foreign courts, to consume therevenues of the empire. Against the tendency to the aggrandizement[217]of the barons, and their increase in wealth andpower by marriage and other means, Iyeyas fixed the amountof territory which each lord was to possess. Land whichproduced of rice annually a certain quantity was allotted toeach baron, according to his rank or rights. But one greatdifference between this system and that of entails in Europelay in this, that the estate granted to each baron could notbe added to or diminished, either by marriage or by purchaseor by might, except by express permission and grant fromthe Shiogoon, the superior of all. This law tended to preventthe enormous accumulation of land in a few hands.This land they might lease or grant to their retainers, someof whom were very wealthy; but so long as such a one wasa retainer of a Daimio, whatever his wealth might be, therewas little chance of his rising to honors in the state.

The barons in Japan are bound to bring a certain numberof men to assist the lord superior in war. Each of thesefollowers is paid by the baron by so much land producing acertain quantity of rice.

Succession to these lands is hereditary, but not strictly tothe eldest son, while the custom so common over the Eastof adoption is allowed, and all the rights of a son are conferredupon the adopted one. Many of the present Daimiosare adopted children—frequently no relative whatever ofthe person who so adopts. But while Iyeyas declared thatthese fiefs should be hereditary, he at the same time laid itdown as a principle that it was good that these lesser lordsshould not remain too long in one place, but that, whenoccasion seemed to require it, it was well to change themfrom one barony to another. He would no doubt have gladlylaid down a similar principle as to the Kokushu, or lords ofprovinces, but their power and influence were too great to belightly interfered with. This power has been frequently putforth down to the present time. A Daimio with an incomeof 10,000 koku is ordered to remove to the territory of anotherwith the same revenue; or perhaps, if there be somecause for reproof, a Daimio will be transferred to a territory[218]in the far north, such as Tanagura, and the baron then livingthere, who may be the son of one who had been similarlydeported, is removed to the better locality.

Iyeyas provided for the payment of stated presents onarrival at Yedo. At other times gifts are made to the Shiogoon;and, as under the feudal system, presents are to beoffered on other occasions, such as marriage or becomingof age.

The civil authority of the Shiogoon was liable to muchlimitation, and this Iyeyas seems to have expected. At firstan officer was deputed by the Shiogoon to reside in the territoriesof the greater barons, and to report to Yedo when hesaw anything taking place worthy of animadversion. Butthis has been done away with, and the Kokushu are virtuallyin full possession of power, each in his own provincialterritory.

Under the laws above recited the men of the country aredivided into four classes—the gentry, agriculturists, artisans,and merchants. The gentry are separated from the otherclasses by the distinctive badge of wearing a long sword,which they are warned never to forget. By this sword theclass is distinguished over the whole empire. But the classis again subdivided by the respective badges, shields or coats-of-armsof the chiefs worn prominently on some part of thedress—generally on the back and on each breast.

The right of wearing two swords brings with it privilegeswhich may be looked upon as means of paying the class—somewhatas purveyance under the feudal laws of Englandconveyed privileges, which were gained generally at the expenseof the agricultural class along the highroads. Underthese laws all two-sworded men are allowed to demand carriagefor themselves and goods along the highway at a muchlower rate than others, and this naturally ends in payingnothing. Their goods are permitted to enter towns free ofcustoms, or at much-reduced rates. Such privileges becomein time very irksome to the class which has to pay for them.

While a Daimio is not permitted to add to his territories[219]by purchase or marriage, these may be increased at the willand by the favor of the Shiogoon, or they may be diminishedby his fiat. While, if any officer has been thought deservingof a little punishment, he may be desired to build a fort or abridge, or make a road, or do something which shall benefitthe country, and at the same time act as a pecuniary fineupon the person upon whom the honor is conferred.—Thefort at Kanagawa was built in this way.

One of the strongest measures of control used by theShiogoon toward the barons is put forward when they havebeen known to be intriguing against their superiors. This issometimes carried out without trial or previous step of anykind, and consists in the intimation to the lord that he is todivest himself of the insignia of rank, hand over the powerwhich he holds as a Daimio to some other individual (generallya near relative and a minor), and confine himself toone room until further orders. Such an intimation wouldprobably not be given unless the government were sure of itsground. But the power consists in the position in which hisown retainers stand toward their lord. If he, upon receivingsuch a notice, obeys it at once, no other changes take place;the individual is simply removed out of the way, and theoffices are transferred to his successor. The wealthy andpowerful vassals remain, with their property, unaffected bythe step. But should he presume to offer resistance, andrise in rebellion, all the retainers suffer with him. Theywill all be, in case of the failure of the rebellion, deprivedof their territories, which will be taken from them and givento others. It is therefore the interest of all those about aDaimio that he should obey a sentence which they all havean idea he more or less deserved. All those about him,therefore, insist upon his abdication; and he, feeling himselfalone and forsaken, is obliged quietly to yield, and thustrouble to the whole province is averted. But in the casewhere the retainers believe that the cause of their master isa right one, and that he has the power as well as the abilityto defend himself, they will rally round him, and defy even[220]the highest government. This took place in the case ofChoshiu against the Shiogoon; while the cases of Satsuma,Owarri, and others, who were deposed by the regent in1858, show how the power is at times exercised.

As a further means of warding off intrigue and plottingamong these powerful and wealthy barons, the plan wasadopted by which all were brought to the court of the Shiogoon,as inferiors or vassals, to pay homage. The customamong these vassals of paying their respects once a year hadbeen long in use in an unsettled and desultory way at Miako,but henceforth Iyeyas insisted upon each Daimio visiting hiscapital of Yedo at certain periods, fixed in proportion to thedistance of his territory. And he further insisted that hiscourt should be looked upon as the natural residence of theselords, by their having their wives and families always residentin Yedo. And it was this law which rendered suchstringent measures to be taken at Hakonay and other gatesto prevent the passage outward of females. By this constantmoving of the Daimios to and fro between Yedo andthe provinces, money was circulated; large sums were spentin Yedo on the establishments they kept up there, and largesums were spent on the way and at the residence of each inhis own province.

Iyeyas seems further to have been jealous of any intercoursebeing carried on between these Daimios one with another,and in these laws measures are taken to prevent thisas much as possible. The different classes of Daimios metin different rooms in his castle, and one of one class is notallowed to go into the meeting-room of another.

All these compulsory measures of vassalage in Yedo havetended to keep up in the Daimios a feeling of inferiority tothe family in power, and are liable, when the influence ofthis family wanes, to become very irksome.

The general features of the country help with these aidsto keep the power in the hands of one man or family. Thenumber of islands, and the length and narrowness of theisland of Nippon, divided as it is by a mountainous ridge,[221]prevent intercommunication being kept up or leagues beingformed between contiguous proprietors.

It is the duty of one set of officers at the court of Yedo toinform each Daimio when he is to come to the capital, andit is probably their care to see that the owners of contiguousproperties shall not be at the same time at their respectivecountry-seats.

Many of these customs had been in use in the empireduring the rule of those who had preceded Iyeyas; but heseems to have gathered what he thought good, and strengthenedwhat seemed weak, so as to provide a firm basis onwhich to place his dynasty, and inclose it with safeguardsthat should resist attacks from the restless and warlike menupon whose shoulders his seat had been raised.

With the wish natural to a great administrator, Iyeyassettled all the offices about his court for the good governmentof the empire. These are mentioned above; but asthese offices require a more minute mention, they are givenmore in detail below. These rules run over a large groundin their dealings with or allusions to all ranks and relations.

Except in the cases of high treason or open rebellion, thefamilies of the feudal barons were not to be attainted. Primogenitureand male succession were encouraged as muchas possible, and adoption of heirs sanctioned even duringearly youth, and sons so adopted can be returned.

The higher Daimios were not allowed to take office or tohave any part in the government, except by giving theiropinion when asked.

The Board or Parliament, where all officers on duty inYedo met for discussion and consultation on general business(the Hio josho), was settled.

The punishment of crimes was modified, and the old cruelmodes of death done away with. Clemency toward enemieswas urged as the proper method of gaining them over.

Recreations for all men were allowed and approved of asuseful both to body and spirit.

Reverence toward the Emperor was inculcated by the[222]example of the Shiogoon, and by advice to the high officersabout the court.

The high-priest at Yedo was to be appointed from a nearrelative of the Emperor, in order that, if there should be aparty siding with the Emperor, the Shiogoon might have arival of the family in his own hands and interest.

The exemption from civil and criminal jurisdiction claimedby the priesthood, and in which they were strongly backedup by the Roman Catholic priests, was abolished. A tendencyto the idea that the priesthood, and priests as individuals,were hedged in by a divinity, which gave them alicense for the committal and an immunity from the punishmentof crimes, was pointed out as an evil to be guardedagainst.

Gentlemen having the right to wear two swords wereto consider such an honorable responsibility.

The empire was surveyed and good maps were made ofevery district.

The power of judging of what was insolence from an inferiorto a superior, and the power of punishing it, weregiven, in a rather unguarded way, to individuals.

Marriage was encouraged, and placed upon the footingof its being the way of heaven that one man should haveone wife.

The reverence to be shown toward father, mother, elderbrothers, and teachers is put forth upon the old Chineseviews, and the relations of master and servant are in likemanner treated of.

The military position of the country, the passes throughthe hills, and dangers, are all alluded to. The strategicalpositions about Yedo are noticed.

Roads come under regulation, and the building of farm-houses.

The government is considered as bound to do its best toprovide cheap food for the people. Mourning for the Emperor,religious sects, foreigners, prostitution, suicide—allcome in for recognition in the Bookay Hiak Kadjo.

[223]

CHAPTER VIII
THE POSITION AND COURT OF THE SHIOGOON

In the above code Iyeyas laid down the order of rank inwhich the officers about him or under him should move.The offices were probably more or less settled and in existenceduring the rule of Taikosama and of Nobu nanga, andof the ministers who had filled a somewhat analogous officeduring many generations at Kamakura.

The head of this Yedo system, as it may be called, is theShiogoon, the commander-in-chief or head of the militarydepartment of the empire, under which is included the policeand financial departments.

From the account of the court of the Mikado, as given ina previous chapter, it is to be gathered that the Mikado is thechief ruler over the empire. To him the whole empire looksup with reverence; from him flows the stream of honors conferredupon subjects—all equally his servants.

After the royal family (the Shinwo), the highest subjectis the Kwanbakku, who is at the head of the five highestfamilies of Koongays. After these follow the other Koongayfamilies in order, down to the lowest and poorest enrolled inthe peerage of the empire.

Beneath all this court, and standing upon a lower platform,is the court of the Shiogoon, at the head of which is theShiogoon, the commander-in-chief of the army, and aroundhim the Kami or Daimio class, who receive and hold theirterritory from him as viceroy for the Emperor. The wordsShio goon were derived in early times from the Chinese.Tsiang kiun is the title of the general commanding one of[224]the divisions of the army in China.—In ancient times inJapan the title of the commander-in-chief was Mono nobe.

The past history of the empire has shown that the Emperorhimself was originally the leader or commander-in-chiefof his own armies, but that in course of time the officewas conferred upon one of the younger members of the imperialfamily. It was afterward transferred to the man whoin a lawless revolutionary period showed himself capable ofseizing and holding the command of the army. Thus Yoritomoheld it, and so it afterward became hereditary in theAshikanga family, until the last of these died out a fewyears before Iyeyas achieved the object of his ambition.

In any consideration of the government of Japan and itsrelations, it is necessary to have clear ideas of the position inwhich the Emperor and the Shiogoon stand to one another.A reference to the history of the country, as given above,may in some measure explain these; but it may not be withoutuse to state briefly what is the position of the Shiogoon.

The Japanese generally are imbued with the idea thattheir land is a real Shin koku, a Kami no kooni; that is, theland of spiritual beings or kingdom of spirits. They are ledto think that the Emperor rules over all, and that amongother subordinate powers he rules over the spirits of thecountry. He rules over men, and is to them the fountainof honor; and this is not confined to honors in this world, butis extended to the other, where they are advanced from rankto rank by the orders of the Emperor. The doctrine of thedivine right is carried perhaps further than it ever was inEngland, though, after all, he is probably only regarded as“that sanctified person who, under God, is the author of ourtrue happiness.” He confers rank upon the officers of theempire, and from him Nobu nanga, Taikosama and Iyeyasreceived whatever rank each held in the empire. By thedeath of the last of the Ashikanga Shiogoons the opportunitypresented itself of giving the title to one who had earnedit, and it was given to Iyeyas.

The name by which the Shiogoon of the present day is[225]known to foreigners is that of Tycoon; there is, however,no such title as Tycoon in the language of Japan. The twowords Tai kiun are Chinese, signifying “the great prince,sovereign, or exalted ruler,” implying that the bearer of thetitle is the great sovereign or ruler of Japan. Such a titleconveys an idea of superiority over all in the empire whichis not conveyed by any of the native titles given to or assumedby the Shiogoon. The title is of foreign growth, andthe assumption has been looked upon with great jealousyby the Mikado.

By the old Jesuit writers, the head of the executivewas frequently spoken of as the Emperor, the Kubosama,the Xogune, etc. There was, indeed, in their case, somedifficulty, as of the three Iyeyas alone was Shiogoon, andthat toward the end of his life. Kubosama, as has beenstated elsewhere, was a title of respect given by the Emperorto the first Ashikanga. It was given to him after he hadgiven up the title of Shiogoon, and it is somewhat inconsistentto use them together.

The title used by the Mikado to the Shiogoon is Tai jiu,“the large tree”; and this is probably the best name thatcould be used by foreigners in speaking of him, or in addressinghim officially. That used by the Daimios in addressinghim is Rioo ay, or “the green tent.”

The son and heir of the Tai jiu, whether his father bealive or not, till he is fifteen years of age, goes by the nameof Takke cheoo, two Chinese words meaning a bamboo shootof a thousand years. He generally assumes the toga virilis(the ceremony known as Gembuku) when he is about fifteen;but if he is called to the succession as a child, this may takeplace at an earlier period, or about eight or ten, when he hashis head shaved as a man and takes his man-name, by whichhe is thenceforth known.

There is a civil title which the present dynasty has beenproud to assume as patrons of learning; namely, the heador rector of the two principal colleges of the empire, Junewa and Shoongaku drio in no bettowo, implying that he is[226]the principal patron or rector of the two colleges of June waand Shoongaku. This title is assumed as his being the “Genjino choja”; i.e., the head of the Gen or Minnamoto family.He may be spoken of as Minnamoto no choja—as such heconsiders himself as the first of all the military families ofthe empire. These titles he assumes, and they may be calledfamily and literary honors. So soon as he has passed theceremony of Gembuku, the Emperor confers rank and titleupon him; these are civil and military, and also of rank orposition. The lowest civil rank given to him is probablyDai nagoon, from which he is raised to Naidaijin, Oodaijin,and Sadaijin, and may be raised to the highest, Daijodaijin;but this is generally reserved for the Kwanbakku. The militaryrank given him is Shiogoon, to which the prefix Dai,“great,” may or may not be added. The Dai Shiogoon isthe commander-in-chief of the army, and being, to a certainextent, looked upon as hereditary, is only an honorary title.To this title is sometimes added the two words Se i (Chingi of the Chinese), the chastiser or tranquilizer of the barbariansor of foreigners; i.e., outside people at a distance fromcourt. This title was originally given with reference to theconquest of the Ai nos in the north of Japan and Yezo; butit has lately been applied to foreigners by the Mikado in hisdispatches, as when he says, “I have given you the title ofSe i; why do you not fulfill the expectations which I hadof you?” Se i fhoo, the office of the pacifier of barbarians,is one of the names applied to the castle of Yedo.

Over and above these the Mikado denotes his place in theranks of the nobility, as that he is of the second grade, firstor second class.

The titles of Iyeyas were Jin itchi-i, first of the secondgrade.—Oodaijin, the great minister of the right.—Se i daiShiogoon, tranquilizer of foreigners and great commander-in-chief.—Junewa, Shoongaku drio in no bettowo, principalof the two colleges of June wa and Shoongaku.—Genji nochoja, the head of the Gen clan.—Minnamoto no Iyeyas.

The name of Daifusama, by which the Jesuits spoke of[227]Iyeyas, is a corruption of Naidaijin, as Nai foo sama, or,according to the subsequent use of sama, lord of the inneroffice.

The Shiogoon adopts a crest or coat-of-arms differingfrom that in use by the Mikado. It is called awui, or arepresentation of three leaves of a species of mallow, “awui,”joined at the points and inclosed in a circle. This is used inall official matters issuing from the office. No one is allowedto use it but those who are relatives of the Shiogoon, or uponbusiness emanating from the office.

Iyeyas took up his residence at Yedo, in the castle whichhad been built at a former period by Owota do kwang, andwhich was formerly known by the name Tchi oda, and is attimes still so called. Large sums of money were expendedupon this residence. It was increased greatly in size. Adeep trench or moat was dug round it, cutting it off fromcommunication, except by the gates, with the town. Thistrench or moat was and is kept filled by a canal drawn offfrom the Rokungo kawa, near the village of Omaro, aboutnine miles from Yedo. At Miako the castle of Nijio Marois his residence.

At Osaka, the large castle, formerly the temple of Hoonganji,and the residence of Buddhist priesthood, afterwardconverted into a castle or fort by Taikosama, is in possessionof the Shiogoon.

At Surunga, the castle formerly belonging to Imagawais kept up at his expense.

In Kahi, the castle of Kofu, formerly the property of Takeda,is another residence, while in different provinces thereare minor seats or residences occupied by retainers and officers.

Iyeyas was buried at Nikko san, where a magnificent templewas reared in his honor, to which repair at certain timeshis descendants and the officers of the dynasty to pay reverenceto his names, to commemorate his greatness, or in theway of official duty.

[228]

CHAPTER IX
THE DAIMIOS

In the above laws Iyeyas speaks of Daimios and Shomios,among whom the territories at his disposal were to be divided.The division was made in the ratio of twenty millions to theDaimios to eight millions which he reserved to himself.“Daimio” is compounded of two Chinese words, signifying“great name”; “Shomio” is “little name.” The lattertitle has fallen into disuse, and is generally replaced byHattamoto, meaning “the root or foundation of the flag.”The Daimio class may be considered to include every officerwho holds directly of the Shiogoon, and has an official incomefrom land held of the Shiogoon of the annual value of10,000 koku of rice and upward. The real value of a kokuis difficult to ascertain, as it varies much at different times,whether it be looked upon as a measure of rice or as a coin—akobang, as it is commonly reckoned. Of 4 kobangs assayedby the United States mint the variation was from 3dollars 57 cents to 5 dollars 95 cents, or from 15s. to 24s.10,000 koku are considered equal to 25,000 piculs of rice, ornearly 4,000,000 pounds. There are many men whose incomesare upward of 10,000 koku, but who do not hold theirland of the Shiogoon, but of some Daimio. Such are notDaimios, but servants or retainers of a Daimio, known sometimesas “By shing.”

The offices and officers of the court of the Shiogoon havecontinued, with but little change, from the time of Iyeyasdown to the opening of the country in 1858. The orderin which these officers took rank was settled by Iyeyas; but[229]the offices seem to have been more or less in use duringthe time of his predecessor Taikosama, and had probablyexisted for many years. Iyeyas in his laws did not for amoment contemplate any interference with the court of theEmperor. That was above him. The lowest Koongay ofthat court was above him until the Emperor should haveconferred upon himself some title of rank.

The nobility of the Emperor’s court are all Koongay.Their names are enrolled in the Great Book of the Empireas enjoying patents of nobility, while the names of Daimiosas such are not so enrolled. As Daimios they are not noblesof the empire. Daimios (literally Ta meng), or feudal lords(Chu haou), are, in contradistinction to Koongay, called Jeengay (Ti hia). The former means “noble families,” thelatter meaning low, on a level with the earth. The Shiogoonhimself is Jee ngay until he has been ennobled by the Emperor.Till recently, Daimios, except the few whose presencewas required upon duty, were not permitted to visitMiako. Even when they received rank and title from theEmperor, a relative was sent to pay homage.

Iyeyas, as head of the executive, dealt with these Daimiosand Hattamoto, or lesser barons, only. Among them thereare recognised four classes; viz., Koku shiu, Ka mong, Tosama, and Fudai. The highest class—Koku shiu (Kwohchu)—“province lords,” were those whose ancestors had beenin possession of large territories, and who in several casesopposed Iyeyas in arms, yet whom he thought it safer toconciliate than to irritate, looking upon them as more onan equality with himself than the others. About the time ofIyeyas there were seventeen of these province lords, to whichnumber four have since been added. The second class—Kamong (Kia mun), family doors or gates—consisted of relativesof his family who had assisted him in his rise to power,and upon whom he conferred territory. If the “San kay,”or three families of his own line, be included, there were tenKa mong. The third class—To sama (Wai yang)—werethose who, being no relatives or connections, were possessed[230]of considerable landed property, and who sided with Iyeyasduring his struggle for power. The fourth—the Fudai (P’utai)—includes the officers, retainers, captains of his army, orthose who in civil capacities, but subordinate, assisted him.Of this Daimio class there are about 200. Fudai are theonly Daimios who are eligible for office, or who are allowedto take a part in official business. In rare cases To samahave given up their rank and privileges in order to participateand take an active part in official politics.

The being a Daimio or Kooni kami implies that the officerbelongs to one of these four classes, and has an annual incomefrom land, as has been said, of 10,000 koku of rice.

The standing of Daimios as a distinct nobility is not recognizedat Miako, and it is therefore an object of ambitionto them to obtain imperial honors at the hand of the Emperor,such honors being looked upon as much higher thanthe names by which they are known at the court of theShiogoon, and which are conferred by him. These latterare invariably the name of a province, of which each isstyled “kami.” There are three provinces from which titlesas kami are never taken by Daimios: Kadsusa, Fitatsi, andKowotsuki; these provinces as a title being reserved for therelatives of the Emperor. This gives rise, as mentioned before,to the distinction between titles as Kooni kami andthose known as Kio kwang. These latter titles are muchcoveted, and a great deal of money is expended and interestemployed in endeavoring to obtain a title from the Emperor.If an officer has both descriptions of titles, the Kio kwangalways takes precedence, as in the case of Satsuma: he is aKoku shiu and a Kooni kami, as such he has the title ofOhosumi, or Satsuma no kami; but he is rarely so spokenof. Holding the imperial title of Shuri no dai bu, he isknown by this added to his family name, Shimadzu, Shurino dai bu—i.e., Shimadzu, head of the ecclesiastical carpenters’office. In addition to these designations from provincesby which Daimios are generally known, the Shiogoon hasthought to confer higher honor upon some, and to attach[231]them more to his family and its interests, by giving thempermission to use his family name. The name of the parentstock is Tokungawa, but the branch to which Iyeyas belongedwas known as Matzdaira (a village in Mikawa).When the ruling officer is powerful, these lords are proudto use this name; when he is insignificant, they avoid it.Thus the lord of the western provinces of Nippon uses attimes the family name of Mowori, at other times he is Matzdaira,Daizen no dai bu.

The higher class of the lords (the Koku shiu), who generallyrule over one or more provinces, are frequently calledby the name of one of the provinces as spoken according tothe Chinese pronunciation of the character. Thus Moworiis ruler over the province of Nagato; i.e., long gate or entrance—inChinese, Chang mun, Japanized into Cho mong.The latter word is dropped, and instead of it “shiu,” or province,is added—whence Cho shiu, the name by which he isfrequently spoken of. Satsuma is thus Sas shiu, Owarri,Bishiu, etc.

One difficulty in completely understanding the use of thevarious titles in Japan arises from a confusion in the applicationof the word “kami.” As a title, this word is conferredby the Emperor and the Shiogoon. The word, whenconferred by the Shiogoon, is the Chinese character “shau,”with the meaning of keeper, or to take charge of. Used inthis way, the name of a province is invariably prefixed, asYamato no kami. And as the names of the provinces areknown as our counties are with us, the title is at once understoodby a native. But this is quite a different word fromthat found in the title of Ee Kamong no kami. This is animperial title. The Chinese character representing this wordis that of “tau,” or head, and implies that he is the head ofa department; viz., that which takes charge of the verandasand outside pathways about the palace. Again, the wordoccurs in military titles, as Sa yay mong no kami. In sucha title the Chinese character “tuh,” meaning to keep, tolead, or a general, is employed, implying that he is commander[232]of the guards of the left gate. In a fourth instancethe Chinese character is “ching”—correct, to govern, or tosee that things are correct; and the word is found in suchtitles as Oone me no kami, Oone me being the departmentof the female officers about the palace. It is therefore evidentthat the office must be known before the title can betranslated, and that the word prince will not give a correcttranslation of “kami” when connected with such an officeas Gengba, which is the office for foreign affairs.

The term “tono” is still frequently applied to Daimiosby the common people, and is often conjoined with “sama,”as Tonosama. It is the Chinese word “tien,” a palace orhall, and was originally conferred upon the crown prince ofChina, and thence transferred to the son of the Kwanbakku.The Portuguese writers frequently use “dono.” “Sama” isthe Chinese “yang,” and was at first conferred upon Ashikangayoshi haru when the Emperor for the first time gavehim the title of Kubosama. From this it passed as a titleof respect to other high officers, but has now become as commonas esquire in England. “Tono” in the same way isnow used by Hattamoto. “Yakatta” (Ch., kwan), a wordsometimes used by the Jesuits for Daimios, is properly restrictedto the castle of a Daimio, and is used only for themore or less fortified residences of the more powerful ofthe class.

The five hereditary orders of peerage used in China arenot known in Japan except by name (Ko, Ko, Haku, Shi,and Dan). Of the Daimio class the Shiogoon is the head.

Of the present dynasty, if such it can be called, Iyeyaswas the first. He derived his descent, in his officially publishedpedigree, from the Emperor Say wa, one of whosedescendants was Iyo no kami, Yori yoshi. His son wasHatchimang Taro, Mootz no kami, Yoshi Iyay. He wasknown in history as a great warrior, fighting in the provinceof Mootz for twelve years. His third son was Siki bu noTa yu, Yoshi kooni, the founder of the families of Nitta andAshikanga. His son was Nitta, Oee no ske, Yisho shigay,[233]commonly called Dai ko een (great light). His fourth sonwas Yoshi Suyay, called Tokungawa shiro (i.e., fourth son),from whom was descended Minnamoto no Hirotada, thefather of Iyeyas, who was the eldest son. Iyeyas claimedto be descended from the Nitta family. His grandfatherwas adopted by Matzdaira Tarozayaymon, then a farmerin Mikawa, at the village Matzdira.

I. Iyeyas had twelve children: 1. A daughter, marriedOkudaira Mimasaka no kami. 2. A son, Nobu yas. Hisfather suspected him of intriguing against him and was saidto have killed him in Mikawa. In one of Mr. Cocks’ lettershe says, “It is said that the eldest son was disinherited onaccount of his having lost his nose by disease.” 3. Etsizenchiu nangoong, Hideyas. As a boy he was given to Taikosama,and was adopted by him. After Taiko had a son, hegave Hideyas in marriage to the heiress of the family ofYuki, in Kadsusa, an old family; and after all the territorywas overrun and despoiled, his father gave to him the provinceof Etsizen. 4. Hidetada ko married a daughter ofTaiko, and succeeded his father as Shiogoon. 5. Tada yoshiko, commonly called Matzdaira Satsuma no kami. He gotKioss, in Owarri, a place formerly belonging to Nobu nanga.6. Nobu noshi. 7. A daughter, married to Hojo Sagami nokami. 8. A daughter, married first to Gamo Hida no kamiand secondly to Assano Tajima no kami. 9. Etsigo, Kadsusano ske Tadateru. 10. Owarri, Hioyay no kami, Yoshi nawo,the founder of the line of Owarri—one of the “three families.”11. Kii, Dainagoon, Hitatsi no ske, Yori yoshi, wasfirst of the Kii or Kiisiu line—one of the “three families.”12. Mito, Chiunagoon, Sayaymong no kami, Yori fhoossa,the first of the Mito line—one of the “three families.”

II. Hidetada, appointed Shiogoon in 1605, married thedaughter of Taikosama. He had nine children: 1. A daughter,married Hideyori, the son of Taikosama. 2. A daughter,married Komatzu. 3. A daughter, married the son of Etsizen,the third son of Iyeyas. 4. A daughter, married Kiogoku.5. A son, died in infancy. 6. Iyaymitz ko, the third[234]Shiogoon. 7. Tada naga. He intrigued to kill his brotherIyaymitz, and, being detected, was confined to his room forlife. 8. A daughter, who married the Emperor Go midzuno.9. Hoshima, Higo no kami, Massa yuki, founder of the familynow known as “Aidzu.”

III. Iyaymitz ko, appointed Shiogoon in 1623. He hadfive children, of whom: 1. A daughter, married Owarri.2. Iyaytsuna ko, the fourth Shiogoon of the dynasty. 3.Kofu, Sama no Kami, Szna Shigay.

IV. Iyaytsuna ko, appointed Shiogoon in 1650. He wassaid to have been killed by his wife, who was the daughterof a vegetable seller, and had been employed as a servantabout the palace. Her father was given the wealth andrank of a Daimio, as Matzdaira Hoki no kami. The familycrest was (in reference to the father’s occupation), and isto this day, two Japanese turnips crossed. He left nofamily.

V. Tsna yoshi ko, appointed 1680, was son of Kofu, Samano Kami. He had three children of whom: The second, adaughter, married Kii, Tsunatoshi. 3. Iyay nobu ko, succeededas Shiogoon.

VI. Iyay nobu, appointed in 1710. He had three children:1st and 2d were sons, who died young. The youngestof the three was Iyay tsoongo ko, who was the seventhShiogoon.

VII. Iyay tsoongo, 1713. He had no children, and wassucceeded by a son of Kii Tsna toshi, who married thedaughter of the fifth Shiogoon.

VIII. Yoshi mone, 1716. During ten years of his youtha regent held the reins. He is regarded as one of the mostable of the successors of Iyeyas. Is called, from his family,Kiishiu Kubosama. He abdicated in 1745, and died in 1751.He had four children, of whom: 1. Iyay shigay was theninth Shiogoon. 2. Moone taka was the founder of the Gosan kio family of Ta yass. 4. Moone kori kio. He is thefirst of the Go san kio family of Stotsbashi.

IX. Iyay shigay ko, 1745. He had two sons: 1. Iyay[235]haru ko, the tenth Shiogoon. 2. Shigay yoshi kio. He isthe first of the Go san kio family of Saymidzu.

X. Iyay haru ko, 1762. He had six children, of whom:A daughter, died young. Another daughter married Owarri.Iyay motu ko, who was called “half Shiogoon.” It is generallybelieved that he was poisoned by his brother Iyaynari. Iyay nari ko, who married a daughter of Satsuma.And the sixth, a daughter, married Kii.

XI. Iyay nari ko, 1787. He had fifty-one children; butas he was subject to epileptic fits, and weakly in mind andbody, he is not generally believed to have been the father ofmany of them. Of his children: The 2d, a daughter, marriedOwarri. The 3d was Iyay yoshi ko, the twelfth Shiogoonof his line. The 11th, a daughter, married Mito. The13th, a son, became Kii, Dainagoong. His son, Iyay muschiko, was Shiogoon in 1858 to 1866. The 17th, Asahime, marriedMaizdaira, Etsizen no kami. The 26th, Ta yass, afterwardbecame Daimio of Owarri. The 28th, a daughter,married to Matzdaira, Hizen no kami (Nabeshima). The32d, a daughter, married to Kanga. The 34th, a son, Mikawano kami, known afterward as Kakudo sama. Hewas adopted by Matzdaira Etsigo no kami, and was considereda very able and judicious man, much respected.A party wished, in 1858, to make him Shiogoon, buthe declined. He republished, for Japanese use, Kanghi’s“Dictionary of the Chinese Language.” The 39th, a daughter,married to Matzdaira, Aki no kami. The 41st, a daughter,married Sakai, Oota no kami. The 42d, a daughter,married Tokungawa, Mimboo kio. The 43d, a son, adoptedby Owarri. The 45th, a son, adopted by Kiishiu, and afterwardbecame Kii, Dainagoong. The 46th, a son, adoptedby Etsizen no kami. The 47th, a son, adopted by Awa nokami. The 49th, Okura no tayu, adopted by Yamato nokami. The 50th, Hiogo no tayu, adopted by Sahio yayno kami. The other thirty-four children died in infancyor childhood.

XII. Iyay yoshi ko, 1837. He had twenty-five children,[236]of whom: The first six died in infancy. The 7th, Iyay sadako, succeeded him. The 9th, Tokungawa, Mimboo kio, wasadopted by Stotsbashi, one of the Go san kio, and he himselfafterward adopted a son of Mito, which son was, untilhis abdication in 1867, the last Shiogoon of the dynasty.The 21st, a daughter, married Arima, Naka tskasa no tayu.The 25th married Mito. The rest all died in infancy.

XIII. Iyay sada ko, appointed in 1853. He had no sons.

XIV. Iyay mutchi ko, 1858, formerly Haru taka, son ofKii, thirteenth child of the eleventh Shiogoon, succeeded tothe office. The death of Iyay sada without an heir was theorigin of much intrigue and trouble in the empire duringthe year 1858. There were two claimants to the succession;the one was the son of Mito, who had been adopted by Tokungawa,Mimboo kio, the ninth son of the twelfth Shiogoon;the other was the eldest surviving son of the eleventhShiogoon, who had been adopted by Kiishiu. It became,therefore, a struggle between the two houses of Mito andKiishiu, and the regent sided with the latter. It was aquestion between a son adopted out of the line and a youthwho had been adopted into the line. Iyay mutchi died in1867, and was succeeded by Stotsbashi as Yoshi hissa, whoin his turn abdicated in 1868, and so the dynasty of Tokungawaterminated.

It has been stated above that the offices about the courtof Yedo were all settled by Iyeyas. In his testamentaryrules he laid down the rank and order in which they wereto stand in the court. These may be here more particularlydescribed.

In the family of the Shiogoon, as given above, mention ismade of the San kay and of the San kio. The former namemeans the three families, the latter the three princes of theblood.

The “three families” referred to are the descendants ofthe three youngest sons of Iyeyas—to the one of whom wasgiven the lordship of Owarri, to the other that of Kii, and tothe third that of Mito, a town and district in the province of[237]Hitatsi. The heirs of these nobles stand at the top of the listof Daimios, and from out of these families is chosen, in caseof vacancy, a successor to fill the seat of Shiogoon.

The San kio (three princes of the blood) were sons of theeighth and ninth Shiogoons, and having in view the possibleextinction of the direct line of Iyeyas at the time, theseyoung men and their families seem to have been set apart,in imitation of the Sin we, or imperial families at Miako.They were assigned residences within the palace enceinte atYedo, but take no regular part in public business. They arepaid a yearly income by the Shiogoon, each having a separatelittle court. The three princes are respectively calledTa yass, Stotsbashi, and Say midzu. The last, the houseof Say midzu, is, so to speak, at present extinct and theresidence unoccupied, and though it is in the power of theShiogoon to reappoint a member of his family, it is notlikely soon to be filled up. The Go San kio are not styledDaimios.

The Go tai ro, or Regent.—In a hereditary jurisdiction,such as that of the Shiogoon, provision must be made for thecontingency of the youth or incapacity of the heir upon hissuccession. Under this name, which means the great orillustrious elder, a regency—an office similar to that of theSessio at Miako—is provided. It is an office which is onlyfilled when necessity calls for such an appointment; andthere are only certain men eligible for the office. He mustbe a Fudai Daimio, and, if possible, one of the four knownas the Si Ten wo. These are Eeyee or Ee, Sakakibarra,Sakkai, and Honda. Of these the first, Ee Kamong no kami,is called the Do dai, or foundation-stone of the power of thedynasty; the ancestor of the family, Ee nawo massa, havingbeen lieutenant-general and right-hand man to Iyeyas.

So long as things go smoothly, and the wheels of governmentrevolve, such rules may be carried out; but when anycountry begins to ferment, the ablest or the least scrupulousman comes to the surface. Previous to the accession of thethirteenth Shiogoon, Iyay sada, Ee had gradually crept into[238]a position of power (to which he may have been more or lessentitled) through the mental infirmity of the reigning Shiogoon.He assumed or was voted into the office of regent.Intrigues were rife in Yedo and Miako, and in consequenceof his leaning toward foreigners, or for other reasons, hewas assassinated.

It seems to have been the custom that the Fudai andKamong Daimios settled who was to be regent withoutany reference to the Emperor; but since the opening up ofthe country the Emperor has risen in importance, and atpresent he or his officers settle who is to be the highestofficer when necessary. A common or vulgar name for theGotairo is Koken, or Oshiru me—i.e., looker back or behind.They have seldom held office long, and have too often cometo an untimely end.

The Go ro chiu, or Toshi yori (the senior central officers,or the “Cabinet,” as they may be called), consists generallyof four or five Fudai Daimios appointed to the office by theShiogoon. All Fudai aspire to the office, but the membersare in quiet times chosen from the thirteen families mentionedin the laws of Iyeyas as head Fudai. Among themembers of the Cabinet one is generally looked upon asPrime Minister; but they all take duty in monthly rotation.It is considered a great honor to have been ten years in office,and the Shiogoon in such a case raises the territorial incomeof such officer. This is the most responsible office, and toooften in times past has entailed upon its possessor the mistakenduty of retrieving an error by the cowardly retreat ofsuicide. They are responsible for the whole acts of government,which are supposed either to have originated withthem or to have been carried out with their cognizance.The Go ro chiu meets daily at 10 A.M. in the Go yo shta beya, a room in the palace. They preside in the Hio jo sho, ordeliberative assembly of acting officers, when the Shiogoonis not present. But it is natural to suppose that when greatinternational questions come before the country, as the openingup of trade with foreigners, the larger Daimios and Koku[239]shiu should have a voice, and should take a share in changesof such magnitude. Consequently of late the Go ro chiu hasbeen rather set aside as things move toward Miako, wherebefore long the power and responsibility will fall to the correspondingoffice at the imperial court.

The Japanese have a saying, that a wealthy man shouldhave little power in the state, but that comparatively poormen should have the power. This seems to be one of theirprinciples of government.

Soba yo min is an office which is only occasionally filled,as when the Shiogoon is young. He seems to be an officerof communication between the Go ro chiu and the other departments.This is the highest office filled by Hattamoto.

Waka toshi yori—literally, the younger elders or senators.They are generally five in number, a second Cabinet,or Under-Secretaries of State. They are Fudai Daimios, orHattamoto. They are frequently promoted to vacancies inthe Go ro chiu.

Sosha are generally Fudai, in number about thirty.Their duty seems to be attending to officers arriving atthe palace. It is an office of little power and considerableexpense. They rise in ordinary times to be Jee sha, templelords, and other officers of authority.

The Kokay, or Kowokay, can hardly be called officers ofstate. The name means high families (Ch., Kau kia), andincludes the male representative lines of some of the familiesof distinction in ancient times, such as Nobu nanga, Ashikango,Yoritomo, Arima, etc. It seems a matter of policyto keep them under the eye of the court, giving each anallowance from the state of territory from 500 to 1,000 kokuper annum. They are looked upon as men of high rank butlittle power, being neither Daimios nor Koongays, but betweenthe two. They are occasionally employed to act asproxies for the Shiogoon in state visits to the temples ofNikko or Isse, and have attempted of late to assert theirright to act as embassadors to foreign countries. There areabout eighteen Kowokay at present.

[240]O Tsu may shiu are Fudai Daimios who act as guards tothe apartments of the Shiogoon. From the room in whichthey meet in the palace they are spoken of as Gan no maDaimios.—The room being painted with representations ofwild geese.

Jee sha (Ch., Sz shie) boonio, temple governors. Theseare described by Kæmpfer as “imperial commissioners, inspectors,protectors and judges of all the temples and themonks belonging thereunto. This employment is, after theEmperor’s Council of State (i.e., the Go ro chiu), one ofthe best in the empire, and the persons invested with it arevery much considered at court. They hold their court atYedo. All civil affairs relating to the clergy—such as lawsuits,disputes arising about the limits or revenues of theirlands, prosecutions for wrongs or damages received, andthe like—are brought daily in great number to be decidedin this court. Again, all criminal cases—as rebellion, disregardof the imperial proclamations and commands, andin general all capital crimes committed by the ecclesiastics—aretried before them, and, in case of conviction, punishedwith death, though these criminals are much more indulgedthan other people and cannot be executed without the consentof and a warrant signed by the general at Miako. Anotherbranch of the business of these Dsisia Bugjo is to take careof the maintenance of the clergy, to keep the temples in repair,and otherwise, in all cases where the secular powerand authority is wanted, to assist them.”

Every Japanese is registered (or is supposed to be registered)in some temple, and whenever he removes his residence,the Nanushi, or head man of the temple, gives a certificate.The books of each temple are sent to Yedo, to theoffice of the Jee sha, where they are copied. These officersact as judges in disputes between priests of one temple withthose of another; between Daimios in disputes about boundaries;between Samurai and Hattamoto, but not betweenmerchants or farmers. The prison under their charge isbetter kept and under milder restrictions than other prisons.[241]They have under them numerous Do sin, or runnersof a higher class, to seize criminals. As they have to keepup the prisons under their charge, the office is looked uponas one of expenditure and not of profit. The numerous interestswith graduated degrees of ruling power in Japanrender great tact necessary in disputes between these interests.The monasteries and priesthood are still very powerful,the Daimios become jealous of interference, and theinterests of those holding of the Shiogoon, as well as ofthose holding land of the Emperor in the Go ki nai, mustbe considered; so that it is absolutely necessary, not onlythat distinct laws should be laid down, but also that itshould be established who are to be the judges betweenrival claimants.

One temple lord sits on the bench in the Hio jo sho everymonth in rotation, and he is thence spoken of as Tski ban.

O Russui are Hattamoto officers, but rank as Daimios,who have charge of the apartments of the Shiogoon, andof the women of the palace when he is absent. They areall old men. All young persons entering or leaving theprivate quarter of the palace are examined as to sex. Inthe office there is a female examiner. These officers givepasses to females on visits of business or ceremony. Thereare generally eight officers, who have each under them tenYoriki and fifty Do sin. The income of each is 15,000 koku.

Owo ban kashira.—These are the captains of the greatguards of the castle of Yedo. There are twelve, seven Daimiosand five Hattamoto. Their duties are entirely military.Under these twelve are one hundred Owo ban, who are allHattamoto.

Sho eeng ban kashira is also a military office, apparentlythe bodyguard of the Shiogoon. There are ten commandingofficers.

Okosho ban kashira.—These seem to be lords-in-waitingupon the Shiogoon, of whom there are ten. They are Hattamoto,each having thirty men under him.

Owo metsuki—literally, great or senior attached eye.—Of[242]these there are five head men. Beneath these are theMetsuki, and an inferior body of men called Katchi metsuki.

This is a very important department of the governmentof Japan. The title is frequently translated “spy,” and theduties seem in some cases to corroborate this view. But theidea of espionage by no means conveys an accurate understandingof the subjects under the care or control of theseofficers.

One of the principal objects of the superintendence of thisdepartment is the eight roads of Japan, and the regulationsof the laws of these roads. Another is the manners and customsof officers in reference to state dress, their intendedmarriages, going and coming to Yedo, and visiting elsewhere;death and mourning of officers; receiving reportssent in by the branches of the office in the provinces as tothe military equipment of Daimios, the uniforms, devices,flags, which they use; in regard to religion, and especiallythe Roman Catholic; as to the Yakunins, or inferior officersof the Shiogoon’s government, their number and duties, andthe census of Japan. Such are some of the different kindsof business which come before this office.

The laws of the roads are regulated in a separate branchof the office, under the Do chiu boonio. The book of lawsor orders is the Do chiu boonio kokoroee, and, in its presentform, seems to have been published about 1840.

There were formerly five highways, afterward two wereadded, and by the addition of the road to the temple ofNikko, there are now eight. The office issues rules forDaimios and Hattamoto passing along these roads, and formerchants and farmers when traveling. In every village ortown along the road these rules are affixed in the To iyaor government office, for all the villages upon these highroadsare to a certain extent under the control of the government,even when the road passes through the territories ofDaimios. The following are headings of these regulations:

As to providing two-sworded men with lodgings on theroad, and cangos or chairs to travel in.

[243]As to children traveling, two in one cango, or motherand child.

As to members of the Gorochiu when traveling.

As to different customs, if such officer be traveling onprivate or public account.

As to giving a passport to a traveler (Saki buray); as towhere he is to sleep, and at what hotels he is to stop on theroad.

As to traveling during the night, if it be necessary.

Rules as to sleeping at towns.

Rules as to (tcha tatte onna) servant-women, and otherdescriptions of women, in inns.

To keep accounts in each town of the number of cooliesand horses used on the road each day.

As to Buddhist priests when traveling on the road.

As to affixing in six public places in Yedo the (Kosatsu)laws of roads.

As to the rates for carrying goods.

As to the officers who examine the weights of goods.

Laws as to the porters on the road.

Rules as to going into and leaving hotels on the road.

Rules as to government goods carried upon the roads.

As to officers who travel at government expense—as theTenso, Emperor’s messengers, etc.

As to how many porters each Daimio is entitled to, andthe rate of payment. If he wants more, he must pay at ahigher rate.

If one of his servants travels by himself, he is not to beprovided for.

Rules as to tenants of government lands when they cometo Yedo.

Rules as to the dress and payment of meshi mori onna—thatis, servant-women who occasionally act in both capacities—ininns.—By law two women only are allowed in eachinn, but more are kept, and fines paid for keeping them.The strictness and minute care with which the Japanesegovernment watches over its people is shown in the regulations[244]laid down for public women, known as Joro. Thisname is only applied to those who are kept in governmentestablishments in the larger towns, as Yedo, Osaka, Miako,Nagasaki, where a place in the town is set apart for theirresidence. The laws for the regulation of morals are verydifferent in different parts of the empire. In the territoriesof some Daimios, as Tosa and Kanga, public prostitutesare not permitted, indecent songs are interdicted, and theinns and bathing-houses regulated; but the government ofthe Shiogoon considers these things to be necessary evils,and takes them under its own charge. The finest women inJapan are said to be in Etsizen and Idzumo, where theyare famed for the fineness of their complexions and smoothnessof skin, with higher noses and little or no smallpox.It is said that men cannot leave Neegata, where the publicwomen are called Hak piak ya gokay, or 808 widows. Thisname arose after one of the desolating battles in old times,in which that number of husbands was slain and the widowsobliged to seek for wherewithal to live. In one night in 1860the officers in Yokohama seized 108 young women who weresuspected of leading immoral lives without a license fromgovernment. The most beautiful public women of Yedoannually take a prominent part in the processions, or matsuri,and their portraits are sold and hung up about thelarge temples and places of resort.

Laws as to thieves and robbers on the highway.

As to fires breaking out in villages on the road.

As to the duties of Daimios on such occasions.

As to rivers, and crossing them. Crossing rivers is oftenvery dangerous, and the porters are made responsible forknowing where the path of safety lies, and when it is unsafeto attempt passage.

As to giving public notice at a hotel before a Daimioarrives.

As to harai kata (sweeping and cleaning the road beforea Daimio arrives).

As to things lost on the road.

[245]When a Daimio’s servants are lodged in a separate innfrom their master.

If a man become insane upon the road.

As to fighting among gentlemen’s servants.

As to deaths by killing in such quarrels.

As to Daimios falling sick on the road.

As to Daimios returning to Yedo on account of sickness.

As to rivers when impassable from high floods, whatDaimios are to do.

As to obstructions from unexpected convulsions of nature,such as an earthquake, flood, etc.

As to servants of Daimios who have died upon the road.

As to behavior of Daimios when meeting the Tenso orKoongays upon the road.

As to the rates for carrying Daimios’ luggage.

As to occasionally examining goods contained in boxes.

As to government packages having the go shu een, orred seal, upon them.

As to government packages passing through Yedo.

As to the porters of Yedo.

As to persons wishing to travel very quickly.

As to Owo ban kashira, captains of the guard of Yedo,when traveling.

As to porters who have become sick, or who may haverun away.

When sometimes a passport has not been previously givenon the road, the Daimio to give to the keeper of the governmentinn his seal and a paper to this effect.

Some officers travel free on the road, and their expensesbecome a tax upon the people living in villages along theroad, and who are supposed to benefit by the travelers. Ofsuch are Daimios coming to pay respects to a new Shiogoonupon his accession. In 1861 the Ooyay no mia, or High-priestof Yedo, traveled with 250 followers. He was aboutnineteen years of age. The walls of the inns at which hestopped were newly papered, and new clean mats put on thefloors. For this the villages paid, he paying one boo—i.e.,[246]1s. 6d.; and on leaving, his servants tore the paper off andcut the mats, that they might not be used again.

As to the Shoshidai, or envoy of the Shiogoon, whentraveling.

As to the governors of the castles of Osaka, Soonpu, orMiako, or the guards of these castles. Governors of placesheld of the Shiogoon, but at great distances from Yedo, asNagasaki and Hakodadi.

As to Koongays and such high officers when traveling.

As to Ray kayshi, or messengers sent annually to Nikkoby the Emperor.

As to carriage of ingredients for making gunpowder.

The Daikwangs, who look after the government farmsand woods. All of their men and goods are carried alongthe public roads at the expense of the villages.

By this office the ceremonial due to high officers upon theroad is arranged.

If a Daimio in his norimono meet a high Koongay—oneof the Sekkay or Monzekke—his porters must not walk on,but must stop till the high officer has passed, but he need notget out.

The same respect is to be paid to the otchatsubo, or jarscontaining the tea for the use of the Shiogoon.

A Byshing—i.e., one of the higher retinue of a Daimio—mustleave his norimono and kneel down, taking offhis hat.

The same respect is to be shown by these Daimios andByshings to anything bearing the red seal of the Shiogoon,to the great guards bringing up muskets, to the governorsof the castles at Miako, Soonpu, and Osaka, and to theShoshidai.

When a Daimio meets the Tenso, his norimono is to becarried slowly, and on one side of the road.

A Byshing must kneel and take off his hat.

Porters can be obtained from 4 A.M. to 8 P.M., but not atany later hour.

Koongay and Monzekke are to be provided at the public[247]expense with 35 horses and 50 porters. If they require more,they must defray the expense themselves.

The “three families,” and higher Daimios and Emperor’smessengers, are allowed 100 horses and 100 porters; lowerDaimios, 50 horses and men. Some Daimios are not allowedto travel on the tokaido.

It is enjoined that members of the Gorochiu, the envoyand governors of Osaka castle, when they meet a Daimioupon the highway, ought to speak to him; but if they donot wish to speak, they may say that they are not well.

If they meet in the same hotel at night, the Daimio is toask them if the Shiogoon requires his assistance in any way.

When they meet on the road, the Daimio must open thedoor of his norimono and act as if he were going to get out,but the other must request him not to do so.

Otchatsubo, or jars containing tea for the use of theShiogoon, are treated with great respect. If a captain ofa guard meets these jars carried by porters, he makes hisbearers go to one side, and his followers kneel and take offtheir hats. The porters call out as they go along the roads,and all the common people kneel down. This custom wasbegun by Iyeyas. Recently there have been slights and insultsoffered to these jars, to show personal feeling on thepart of some of those opposed to the present state of things,as Satsuma.

Byshing entitled to carry a spear, upon meeting a memberof the Gorochiu, or the Shoshidai, or tea-jars, etc., mustwait till such dignitary is past. Byshing not entitled to aspear are under the same customs as common people.

Two-sworded men singly meeting the tea-jars, Gorochiu,etc., stop and take off the hat only, but do not kneel down.

All common people must kneel down and take off theirhats to Koongays, Shoshidai, Gorochiu, Oban kashira; and,though there be no law for it, a Daimio often takes it intohis own hands and punishes or kills a man or woman whodoes not kneel down while he is passing. Such was the casewith Shimadzu Saburo and Mr. Richardson in 1862; but[248]Shimadzu was not even a Daimio, but the father of theyoung Daimio. On one occasion a Byshing of Kiogoku,Nagato no kami, killed a man of Matzdaira, Sanuki no kami,for turning aside upon the road and making water whilehis norimono was passing; while another ordered a womanto be cut down for standing and looking at him.

A Daimio with an income of 200,000 koku, with 20 horsemenand 120 footmen in his retinue, is allowed 300 porters.One of 100,000 koku, with 10 horsemen and 80 footmen, isallowed 150 porters. One with 50,000 koku, with 7 horsemenand 60 footmen, is allowed 100 porters; and so downwardin proportion.

When a Daimio meets a Gomiodai, or envoy from theShiogoon, he is to give him half the road, and to stop hisnorimono while the envoy is passing.

The same respect is to be shown to envoys from theEmperor (Chokoo shi), the royal family, the Tenso, andother high officers.

In the case where one Daimio has taken possession ofan inn on the road, and another comes from an oppositedirection and wishes accommodation, this is sometimes thecause of serious fighting.

If a Byshing be in the retinue of his superior lord, and agovernment official with the red seal be met, he must notget out of his norimono or off his horse; but if alone, hemust do so.

If a Daimio meet an imperial envoy (Chokoo shi) orEenshi, or a member of the royal family, a relative of theEmperor, or a high Koongay, he may, if he wishes, turn offthe road up a by-road till the great man shall have passed,to save himself from getting out of his norimono and kneelingdown, or, if he be riding on horseback, from dismounting.

To lower Koongays the Daimio must give half the road.

If a Byshing or Hattamoto is on government businesswith the red seal, he is to be treated as a Daimio.

To one of the “three families” a Daimio is to get out of[249]his norimono and propose to kneel, but is to be requestednot to do so. As a general rule, to men of the third rankand above, Daimios must kneel; to men of the fourthrank and below, no ceremonial is required.

These headings may give some idea of what the duties ofthe road department of the Owo metski office are.

It is further the duty of the office to see that the roadsand bridges are kept in repair.

From these rules it is evident that great exactness mustbe insisted upon in traveling along the highroads as to thedays when officers are to leave each place, and the housesat which they are to stop, in order that there may be noconfusion in official arrangements, and to avoid unpleasantcollisions which might happen on the road. The office musteven at times take into consideration the private feelings ofindividuals. At one time the young Eeyee Kamong nokami was coming up to Yedo with a large retinue, andShimadzu Saburo of Satsuma was going down to Miako.In two days they were to meet on the tokaido, when thewhole country expected to see a fight, for which both partieswere prepared. But the office, hearing of it, sent peremptoryorders to Eeyee to go round by another road.

The Owo metski office must be consulted previous to thebetrothal or marriage of a Daimio or his eldest son, and alsoprevious to the adoption of a son by a Daimio. Marriagesand adoptions are generally made in their own class, andfrequently among relatives; but some of the Daimios aremarried to the daughters of the highest Koongays.

The members of this office appear to act as reporters inall government meetings. Indeed, whenever two or threepersons meet together in Japan, there seems to be somemember of this silently observant office present. Reports ofeverything that goes on throughout the empire are sent intothis office for the information of government, and thesereports are recorded for reference. Men acting nominallyas horseboys and servants in the foreign consulates havebeen emissaries from this department.

[250]By law every innkeeper is obliged to keep a book (Yadocho), in which every traveler is noted down, and what hemay do or say that may be thought worth reporting. Similarbooks (Gio koo cho) are kept in public brothels, in whichare noted the names of men frequenting them (if the namescan be got), or marks upon their bodies; how much moneythey spend, the saki they drink, etc. These are all for theuse of this office.

The prevention of the spread of the Roman Catholic orJashiu mong sect is one of the cares of the Dai Kwang departmentof the Owo metski office. The names, with the genealogy,of all the families among which there were knownto be Roman Catholic converts are carefully kept. Boards,called Christang hatto kaki, on which are printed a prohibitionof the Christian religion, are put up in every large temple.Individuals belonging to the families under observationare not allowed to move their place of residence without permissionof this office. If one dies, intimation must be givento the office, when an officer is sent to view the body, and allthe relatives sign a certificate. Or if at a distance, it mustbe preserved in salt. The Dai Kwang office superintendedthe Yay boomi, or trampling on the cross, once a year atNagasaki. It is the duty of the office to examine for Christiansall over the western provinces once in three years.Whenever a child is born in a family formerly Christian,notice must be given to the office. Marriages must be reported;and also the intended adoption of a son. Adoptedsons are sometimes thrown back again by the adopting parents,but Christians are not allowed to do this. A registerfor the same purpose is kept by the governor of Miako.These forms are kept up to the great-grandchildren of theoriginal Roman Catholics, but have of late fallen into desuetude;but it may hereafter prove the means of stirring updying embers of faith among the descendants in the recollectionsof their ancestors. The members of this department,while sitting with others, report, but have neither avoice nor a vote.

[251]Matchi boonio.—The street governors, or, as they maybe called, governors or mayors of Yedo. (The Shiogoonhimself is considered governor of Yedo, and Mito is hereditaryFuko Shiogoon or Vice-Shiogoon, and ought as such toreside constantly in Yedo.) Of these there are two; the oneover the east, the other over the west part. The authorityof these officers is chiefly over the mercantile class. Theyhave little or no power over the Samurai, or two-swordedgentry. Their duties are with the streets and police of Yedo.They sit as judges alternately, and take cognizance of allquestions and quarrels among the mercantile class. Upon aDaimio coming to stay at Yedo each alternate year, he is tocall on and pay his respects to the Gorochiu, Wakatoshiyori,Owo metski, and Matchi boonio, before he goes to his ownhouse.

Go Kanjo boonio may be called the head of the exchequer.These are two officers who keep the accounts of the empire;they also act as judges in all cases between persons of theagricultural class. They have great power. Of the Do chiuboonio, or governors of the roads, one is always Kanjoboonio, and one is Owo metski. The mint and coinage ofmoney come under this department. Under them they havefive men as seconds or assistants, Kanjo gim maku, besidestwo men who upon alternate days keep the accounts of theexpenses in the Shiogoon’s palace.

Sakushi boonio are two Hattamoto officers, superintendentsof the carpenters of the Shiogoon, and under them arefour men, Daiko kashira. As mentioned before, the tradeof a carpenter is looked upon in Japan as a very honorableoccupation.

Besides these, there are Shta boonio and Fusim boonio,who superintend the carpenters of the offices and women’sapartments, the wells in the castle, providing tables, boxes,mats, etc.

Goong Kan.—The naval department has two governors—GoongKan boonio. These may be called Lords of theAdmiralty, but until recently the office was one of comparatively[252]minor consideration. There were four naval instructorsunder these governors who had picked up somelittle knowledge from the Dutch and from Dutch works onnaval affairs. Latterly, the office has become one of muchgreater importance. Great attention is being paid to navalmatters and to steam, and the office has consequently beenremodeled. The government has invested largely in steam-vessels,and has erected steam works for making and repairingall sorts of machinery, and is making every attempt toobtain a well-educated set of men, who shall be thoroughlyinstructed in all the branches requisite for naval officers.At Nagasaki the Japanese government has one large set ofworks, and another in the vicinity of Yedo. A dry-dock hasbeen excavated for the cleaning and repair of the vessels ofgovernment. Until lately the Japanese government seemsto have paid no attention to keeping any vessels of war.Fast-rowing boats were kept near Nagasaki, and one atUraga, in the bay of Yedo, and at other stations ordinaryboats were kept. These, however, were generally notedfor speed rather than strength, and rarely put to sea, butwatched vessels coming to land and overhauled them onthe part of the custom house.

Ko bo shin shi hai.—This seems to be an office for youngunemployed Hattamoto officers, where records are kept ofwhat each excels in, for the information of government.

Shin ban kashira.—School for teaching young officersabout the court riding, rifle-shooting, etc.

Okosho is a general name for officers waiting on theperson of the Shiogoon.

Naka oku go ban shiu.—Some of the private guards ofthe Shiogoon.

Hoko nando.—Men who look after the dresses and clothesof the Shiogoon; and others are in the flag office or the spearoffice.

Hiaku nin Kumi no kashira.—These are guards. Theywere originally Yamabooshi priests, called Negoro and Nengoro,or, as the translator of the letters writes it, Negroes, in[253]the large monastery of Kumano, in the province of Kii; andafter their buildings were burned down by Taikosama, andtheir lands confiscated, they joined the army in a body,and Iyeyas attached them to himself as guards.

There are departments for superintending the manufactureof bows and arrows, and muskets, rifles and cannon.

Another office has the charge of balls, shells, powder,etc.; and another has the charge of the armory, containingbows and arrows, rifles and coats of mail.

Hon maro russui ban.—The Hon maro is the name ofthat part of the castle or shiro of Yedo occupied by the Shiogoon.Six officers keep it when he leaves it temporarily.

Ni no maro russui ban.—Keepers of the part assigned tothe son or concubines of the Shiogoon.

Hikeshi.—These are fire brigades in the service of theShiogoon in Yedo, of which there are twelve, one to a district;each under the charge of a Daimio.

These guard against fires in the castle, the governmentgodowns in the town, and the large temples where the tombsof the Shiogoons are. Each brigade has a leader, who holdson the end of a long pole a mattoyay, or white solid device,easily seen at night. The duty of this leader seems to be tostand as near the fire, and as long as he possibly can; and infulfilling this duty they appear to rival the fabulous salamander.Each brigade has overcoats with distinguishingmarks, and masks the better to stand the heat. However,in wooden buildings their organization seems of little use.The fires generally wear out of themselves, the inhabitantscarrying off their money, clothes, mats and windows toplaces of safety. There are other fire-engines and fire brigadesin Yedo under the Matchi boonio. The town is dividedinto forty-eight districts, corresponding to the letters of thealphabet I, Ro, Ha, and to each district there is a brigade.If a fire breaks out in the Ro district, all the men of the Robrigade go to it. The rest of the town unburned pays eachman of the brigade employed four tempos, or about 6d., afterthe fire.

[254]Daimios keep men of their own as firemen, generally menin some small disgrace, whose names have been erased fromthe town books or dismissed from employment.

At one time fires occurred so frequently in Yedo that anotification was issued that the proprietor of the first housein which a fire should thereafter originate should be transportedto the islands. The first offender was Mito. It wouldnot do to transport him, so he fell upon the plan of borrowing,through the priesthood, on payment of a large sum,30,000 days from eternity, beyond which time he had littleprospect of living. This has frequently since been foundto be an ingenious plan for men of wealth escapingpunishments.

Metski are lower officers of the Owo metski department,and seem to act as judges in civil cases. There are fourteenMetski.

Tskybang are messengers, attendants in war or duringfires to the Shiogoon.

Taka jo.—Keepers of the Shiogoon’s hawks.

Katchi ngashira.—The officer who superintends the menlining the streets when the Shiogoon goes out—a ceremony,however, which has been done away with.

Jiu ri si ho—meaning “ten miles in four directions.”—Menwhose duty it is to take care that no one shoots withinten ri—i.e., twenty-five miles—of the castle. Even withinthis distance there are places in which native sportsmen areallowed to shoot, for which permission is given upon application.An infraction of this law was the reason given forthe seizure of an Englishman in 1859—one of the causescélèbres in the early history of Great Britain’s relationswith Japan. This is a sub-branch of the Owo metski office.

Shiu mong aratame is the branch of the same office whichexamines into the religion of individuals, especially with theobject of restraining the spread of Christianity.

Do chiu boonio is the officer who has charge of the highroads,bridges, etc., under the Owo metski.

To zoku (Tau tsih—catch thief) Hi tske is the same as[255]Kai yaku—i.e., reforming officers. This is, in its subordinateoffices, a very wide department—aiming at thoroughespionage, secrecy in detection, and surveillance, as well asoverpowering strength in carrying out the wishes of government.The whole of society in Japan is permeated by officersof this department. All public places are full of them.Inns are kept by them; they reside as priests in temples, orwherever the general public resorts. The keepers of theseinns and farmers in the country are frequently in the employof the police. There is a saying in Japan, “Dorobo oi zen”—implyingthat it is better to put money on a thief’s backthan to apply to the police. The police runners have meansat the stations for constantly strengthening themselves bygymnastic exercises, and are taught to tie up criminals in avariety of ways, from so lightly as to lie like a net, to sotightly that before long the victim is strangled. They arealways provided with a short iron baton, with which, incase of resistance, they strike their man over the head tostun him.

Ko boo shio boonio.—The military school where drill exercise,the use of weapons of war, fortification and militarytactics generally, are taught to young officers. There arethree officers over the establishment, but many teachers ofthe different branches. The school is in Owo ngawa matchior street in Yedo. Artillery is taught near the garden ofthe Shiogoon at Hama go teng. Sword-practice with sticks(kenjits) is a favorite amusement with young officers. Theyhave sticks with basket guards, with which they practice.Before beginning, each puts on an iron wire grating overthe head, a bamboo-and-leather belt around the chest, andbamboo guards for the arms with gloves. Yet with all thisone is sometimes severely handled. The sword is long, two-handed,sharp on one edge and at the point, and for abouttwo inches from the point on the back; so that they eithercut or thrust, and aim at cutting the neck with a back cut.They are very dexterous at the use of this weapon, whetheragainst a sword or a bayonet or spear. Practice with the[256]rifle is also very common in the government schools, and inthe grounds of Daimios about Yedo. There is a large paradeground or open country to the back of Yedo for the useof the military, called Hiro.

Naka kawa bansho.—An office for the examination ofboats coming from and passing to the interior by the communicatingbranch of the river—the Naka gawa. Upon thisstream boats can go to the provinces on the northwest, northand east of Yedo. Besides these there are officers who havecharge of the Shiogoon’s barges and boats.

There are officials whose duty is to examine into allegedencroachments by Daimios in Yedo upon the roads, streets,rivers, or sea. The superficial quantity of land as gardensthat an officer may hold in Yedo is regulated by his officialincome. (One tsubo equals thirty-six square feet.) An incomeof from 300 to 900 koku may have 500 tsubo, 18,000square feet; 1,000 to 1,900 koku may have 700 tsubo, 25,200square feet; 2,900 koku may have 1,000 tsubo, 36,000 squarefeet; 4,000 koku may have 1,500 tsubo, 54,000 square feet.And so on up to 150,000, whose allotment is 7,000 tsubo, orabout 252,000 feet square.

There are sword-keepers of the Shiogoon, and also keepersof the books or library, and a keeper of the presents,gifts, or tribute paid by each Daimio. Gifts as tribute arebeing received daily, and are regulated by order. But frequentlyhandsome presents are voluntarily made by Daimios,perhaps in some cases for favors to come. For instance,Owarri is ordered to present to the Shiogoon upon the firstmonth, third day, congratulatory cakes.

Upon the third and seventh months a large noshi—symbolof a present with a piece of dried fish—with paper andtwo tubs of wine.

On the 18th of the fourth month, fish; and again inthe same month, A-ï, a fresh-water fish, considered a delicacy.

On the fourth and eighth months, the same fish preservedin vinegar.

[257]On the sixth month, the first day, ice. It is a custom inJapan to use ice upon that day.

On the sixth and seventh months, muskmelon.

In hot weather, in summer, anything he thinks mayplease.

On the sixth day of the ninth month, one obang (a largegold coin, worth above £6) or more.

During the ninth and tenth months, persimmons—thebest come from Mino.

During the eleventh month, tea, cakes, fish, saki andOwarri radishes, which are very large and fine.

During the twelfth month, fish, persimmons, storks,which are supposed to be a royal bird, and only for thetable of the Shiogoon; but many people eat them.

A present from an inferior to a superior, as from a Daimioto the Shiogoon, is “Kenjio”; the reverse is “Hyrio.”The Shiogoon is said to have called in proclamation thesteamer “Emperor,” presented to him by her majesty theQueen of England, “Kenjio.”

The Shiogoon has also four secretaries for private business,and others for government business.

There are professors or teachers of the works and writingsof Confucius. There is a school or college for thestudy of foreign books; but the school was lately entirelyremodeled, and greater encouragement given to the studyof foreign languages, books, and arts and sciences.

There is an observatory, with astronomers, compilers ofthe almanac, etc.

Nineteen physicians attend upon the Shiogoon, five ofwhom practice after the European system, and fourteenafter the Chinese. There are five surgeons, of whom onepractices according to the European system, and medicalofficers for treatment by acupuncture—i.e., by insertion offine needles. These are fine flexible wires, not so strong asthose used in imitation of them in Europe, but requiring atube to be used for their insertion to prevent the needlesbending. There are also dentists and oculists and medical[258]men for attending officers on duty at the castle, and othersfor attending officers who are outside the castle. There isone medical man for vaccination, together with consultingphysicians; and also doctors to look after the sick poor anddestitute. There is or was a public hospital at Koishikawa.

There is an officer who may be called poet-laureate.

There are musicians to the court, and teachers of theSinto religion; also teachers of a game, a kind of chess, aswell as chess itself.

After these are the keepers of the wicket-gate by whichfemales go out or come in, and men to look out from a loftyplatform. Such are always raised in Diamio’s houses, toenable the watchmen to look down upon the surroundingstreets by day, and to look out for fires by night.

There are keepers of the jewels belonging to the Shiogoon.

There is one officer who looks after the food for the Shiogoon,and keeps the accounts of the expenditure of the table,as well as inspectors of rice for the use of the Shiogoonhimself.

The head-cook superintends the kitchen, and there arealso cooks for guests.

Hama goteng boonio.—The governor of the Hama goteng,a garden on the seaside beneath the castle in Yedo. This isa large piece of ground cut off by a canal, and formerly keptas a private garden for the recreation of the Shiogoon on theseaside. It is one of the places offered to the foreign ministersfor residences in Yedo, and refused by them upon, possibly,good grounds. It has since that time been convertedinto a ground for artillery practice. There were three headgardeners.

There are men to look after the garden for medicinalherbs, and officers who have charge of the curtains used forconcealment or privacy. These “macu” have been sometimesthought by foreigners to be intended to represent forts;but they are constantly used in Japan by pleasure partiesand others wishing to be in the open air, and yet to enjoya little privacy; and it is considered rude to look over the[259]edge of one at the party inclosed. They may be used alsoin war to conceal the numbers of a host. The “mong,” orcrest of the owner, is generally stamped upon the curtain,which has at a distance, perhaps, given the idea of loopholes.

Kane boonio.—Four officers who pay out and receivepayments on account of the Shiogoon. Payments are madeon the 6th, 14th and 26th days of the month. Money isreceived on the 1st, 10th, 18th and 24th.

There is an office for the exchange of notes or orders forofficers. Banks and Daimios issue paper money, calledtayngata, and also gin sats (silver card), kin satz (goldencard). They are much used by the merchants in Osaka inbusiness transactions.

Koora boonio.—Officers in charge of the rice storehousesbelonging to government. These storehouses of rice are verylarge, as a great part of the pay of officers is given in rice.It is considered degrading to speak of paying money in salary.Even presents of money among the lower classes arealways wrapped up in red paper neatly folded. A man ishired as servant for so much rice, known as footchi—i.e.,rice given on hire; footchi is always given in addition tomoney, and it is proper to speak of footchi, not of money-hire.In Taikosama’s time one footchi was 10 ngo of rice;now it is only 5 ngo, or about 2 pounds. In speaking ofa man’s income, if pioh (or piculs) are mentioned, rice ismeant; but if koku, ground to the valued extent of production.Retainers are paid 30 piculs a year, and half asho (1½ pounds of rice) per diem. In government paymentsthe rice is measured in boxes, not weighed. TheChinese picul is equal to 133 pounds, but the Japanese wasgenerally larger, and ranged from about 150 to 160 pounds.The koku, therefore, would be 450 to 500 pounds. Accordingto Williams, it contains 5.13 bushels.

There are officers in charge of the oil and lacquer, andothers over the working carpenters and masons. Others areover the government forests and trees, for superintending[260]planting, cutting, etc. Special officers have charge of theShiogoon’s pleasure barges on the river. A tax or license isimposed upon all boats plying on the river at Yedo, collectedby another officer.

Tattame boonio.—Officer to look after the mats about thepalace. The whole floor of the rooms of the palace is exactlycovered by mats, each six feet long by three broad. Thesemats are two inches in thickness, and are made of strawtightly tied together by string. This is covered by a wovenweb of fine, long, strong, dried grass from the sea-coast. Inthe houses of all classes in Japan these mats are used, but inthose of the wealthier classes they are very beautifully made,soft and pleasant to walk on for persons wearing stockingsonly, as is the custom. The reception room in the palaceis called the Hall of a Thousand Mats. If there be such aroom it would be 150 feet long by 120 wide; but as the partitionwalls in Japanese houses are, between many of theapartments, only light sliding screens, movable at pleasure,it may be easy to throw open a very large room in an extensivebuilding such as the palace is.

There is a jeweler to the court, and auditors of accounts,who are also assayers or examiners of gold and silver.

There are teachers of riding to the Shiogoon, and veterinarysurgeons and horsebreakers.

Katchi me tski.—A low class of spies. These are keptsecretly by government, and are employed in nominal employments,in houses, shops, or wherever information islikely to be obtained. They are frequently grooms, as inthis capacity they accompany their masters wherever theygo. They write down whatever they hear or see that is suspicious:the thin paper partitions of the rooms give facilityfor this, as they have only to put the tongue against thepaper and then push the finger through, when a hole sufficientlylarge is made, through which both to see and hear.If these men allow themselves to be detected by Samurais,or officers, no mercy is shown to them. If they have, as isgenerally the case, a sort of written commission, and this is[261]found upon them, they are put to death and the paper is sentto the government. No notice is afterward taken of such adeed. It is looked upon as a dangerous profession, and theyknow the risk, but they are generally well paid. Daimiosuse them also. Mito had a man in 1862 in the employ ofIkeda, then governor of Yedo. He watched his masterintriguing against his lord, and assassinated him. An officerwas long in the employ of the British consulate atYokohama who was in constant communication with thegovernment.

There are officers, keepers of the stairs of the castle, andothers who look after the fires and fireplaces.

Bowozu are young men who act as servants to guests orofficers residing in the castle. It is not permitted to Daimiosto bring their servants into the palace. They are waited onby the Bowozu. These men are said to be open to giving upto any one copies of any or all documents passing throughthe government offices on payment of a small sum—30 to50 itzaboos per annum.

Officers are appointed for keeping the time by striking alarge drum, and there are men who give signals by blowinga shell, such as is used generally for directing movements inwarlike operations.

Yoshiba boonio.—Yoshiba is the name of a penal establishmenton the island of Tsukudajima, at the mouth of theYedo River, to which certain criminals are sent, to prepareoil and charcoal.

The above list comprises all the officers engaged in theservice of the Shiogoon, and who may be considered governmentofficials conducting the business of their departments inoffices in Yedo. But as the office of Shiogoon is in abeyanceit remains to be seen in what manner the government is to behereafter carried on; and whether the court of Miako, whichis now temporarily removed to Yedo, will return to the oldertitles and offices as known at Miako, or will adopt the formsand offices which have been in use at the court of the Shiogoonin Yedo.

[262]The Hio jo shio—The Board of Deliberation.—This is alarge place of meeting for deliberation in Yedo, outside ofthe palace-moat, and close to the residences of the Gorochiu.On fixed days of every month certain officers sit here forthe discharge of their duties. These seem to be to receivecomplaints against officers, and to decide cases brought beforethem for judgment. Upon other fixed days, all Daimiosor Hattamoto upon duty in Yedo seem to have the right, orare called upon as a duty, to meet for the discussion of politicalmatters laid before them. Hio jo means to deliberate orhold a consultation; and at these times the Gorochiu, Wakadoshiyori, Owo me tski, and other officers, meet here fordeliberation upon affairs affecting the government.

Within the palace Daimios meet in rooms according totheir rank, and the class of Daimios is often spoken of bythe name of the room in the palace in which it meets—asthe Obee no ma, the Tomari no ma, the Yanangi no ma, theGan no ma, the Kiri no ma, the Tay kan no ma, the Fuyono ma, or the Goyobeya, or the Siro jo in (or Kuro jo in),in which last all classes seem on occasions to meet. But itis only in rare cases that all are called together; such an occasionwas the proposal brought before them by CommodorePerry to overturn the old laws and throw open the country.It has been seen that Iyeyas in his laws thought the meetingof this assembly, the Hio jo sho, very important, and he saidthat the president must be a man of the clearest intellect andbest disposition, and that once in every month it should bethe duty of the Shiogoon to go to the assembly without previousintimation, and there act as judge.

Immediately in front of the building stands a box, knownas the Mayassu hako. Into this box any one may put apaper of complaint upon any subject which he wishes tobring before the assembly. These papers, “Mayassu,” aretaken out and examined, and those which are signed are discussed,those which have no signature are burned. Thereare similar boxes at Miako and Osaka.

The following may be taken as a sketch, or very imperfect[263]translation, of the matters which come under thecognizance of the assembly as instructions to officers:

1. When a complaint is made with reference to groundin a street in front of, and generally belonging to, a temple,and which is frequently let as shops, etc.; or in referenceto Go rio, ground belonging to the Shiogoon; or Shi rio,ground belonging to Daimios—these complaints are not tobe taken up by the board, but are to be referred to theTskiban (the temple lord who is sitting for the month).

2. All quarrels and complaints between and against Yedostreet people, citizens of Yedo, are to be referred to the governorof Yedo.

3. In the Kwang hasshiu, or eight provinces immediatelyaround Yedo—Awa, Kadsusa, Simosa, Hitatse, Simotsuki,Kowotsuki, Segami and Musasi—disputes between the tenantsof the Shiogoon and those of Daimios or Dai kangs areto be referred to the treasury governor. These three governorsare known as the “San boonio.”

4. Proceedings as to disputes between Daimios as toground.

5. Between brothers as to succession to the father’sproperty.

6. In the case of a demand for a new trial after a decisionhas been given.

7. In regard to petitions from friends to let a prisonerout of confinement on the ground of his innocence, musthave good reasons shown.

8. If the people want an alteration or change of a law.

9. What is to be done with papers, Hakko so, put intothe box.

10. If people complain of officers.

11. In a complaint of an improper judgment in a case(perhaps in another court).

12. Business in the Hio jo shio. The 2d, 11th and 21stdays of the month are “Siki jits,” or days when public politicalbusiness is discussed. The 4th, 13th and 25th, “Tatchiyeibi,” the officers meet as judges to decide cases. On the[264]6th, 18th and 27th, “Uchi yori yeibi,” secret meeting days,the officers meet to examine and discuss secret political mattersamong themselves.

13. The form to be followed when a case has been for along time before the Hio jo shio and is referred to anotherjudge, as the street governor; and what is to be done in referenceto complaints against the Gorochiu, Wakatoshiyori,or Owometski.

14. Complaints against Yakunins, or officers on duty outsideof Yedo, are to be referred to the Shiogoon.

15. Disputes as to water for irrigation, and embankmentsof rice fields, which are sources of frequent quarrels, are tobe taken up by the Hio jo shio.

16. In disputes as to boundaries of property, the old titlesin the hands of the disputants are to be examined, and comparedwith the “Midzu cho” (water book, or register), keptin the Daikang office for the registration of boundaries andproperty.

17. In disputes as to land, to apply to the proper office tohave surveys made.

18. What is to be done in cases of forgery of title-deedsof lands, or of maps of villages, islands, etc., which is acommon offense.

19. As to disputes between Kanushi, heads of templesand of government temples.

20. In cases where application is made by the friends ofa criminal to have him pardoned, such is not to be entertainedin cases of arson, theft, murder, either as principal oraccomplice, striker of father or mother or master, gamblers,head men of villages convicted of extorting money, mikassa(literally three hats),[7] and men who have bought younggirls secretly. These crimes are not to be pardoned.

[265]21. As to arbitrations ordered by officers, only a certainnumber of days to be allowed to make such arbitration—theoffice to settle how many.

22. When a petition has been presented by one party andthe other does not appear, what is to be the proceeding.

23. Accusations of theft and fire-raising are not to bebrought before the Hio jo shio, but before the officer inwhose jurisdiction the offense is committed.

24. In cases of discovery of a long antecedently committedmurder.

25. If a man destroys a summons issued by the office,and refuses to obey it.

26. Cases of persons trying to pass the barriers at Hakonayand Arai, without the knowledge of the officers stationedat the barriers.

27. In a case of firing a pistol or gun at another withoutkilling, the punishment is “chiu tsui ho”—i.e., the culprit isnot allowed to enter a town or village. If a man wishes toshoot or sport near Yedo, he must get a license from theYakunins to do so within the ten ri between Hatch ogeeand Kanagawa upon the Tama River. Native sportsmenfrequently shoot.

28. How persons are to be dealt with for snaring birds,or feræ naturæ, on the hunting-lands of the Shiogoon.

29. In towns, if a man have committed a small offense,the Yakunins may order his door to be shut upon him, andhim to be confined in his own house.

30. Cases of embezzlement of money by village head men.

31. Punishment for a man who has failed to enroll hisname in the official register.

32. If a man offer a bribe to an officer he is to be severely[266]punished; the officer, if he accepts it, is lightly dealtwith.

33. All the property of a person, convicted of theft orrobbery is to be confiscated.

34. If the people on a Daimio’s territory send a remonstranceagainst his oppression to the Hio jo shio, what is tobe done with it.

35. All the goods belonging to a debtor may be sold topay his debts, except his wearing apparel.

36. If persons try to bring wild ground into cultivation,and call it their own without informing the officers, whatproceedings are to be taken.

37. Cases of litigation as to rented ground.

38. When persons are unable, from poverty, to pay governmenttaxes upon ground occupied by them.

39. In regard to loans of money, of which twenty differentkinds are alluded to—to a friend, to a temple, etc.

40. If the whole of a loan cannot be repaid, and it isreferred to the officers, they are to settle the interest to bepaid. Upon large amounts the interest is placed low, uponsmall amounts it is high. Upon 10,000 kobangs the ratewill be 80 kobangs per month, or nearly 10 per cent perannum. Upon one boo it may be one tenpo a month, or 75per cent per annum.

41. In borrowing money, the interest is to vary with thesecurity. If the security is land, the interest is to be low;with any other securities the interest should be high.

42. In disputes as to money: If no witnesses are broughtforward; if partners in business quarrel; if persons in theatersquarrel; if a collector uses subscriptions to temples forhis own purposes; if the evidence depends upon a paperwithout a date; if no rate of interest is mentioned—thenthese cases are not to be taken up.

43. If it is alleged that a Daimio has borrowed moneyfrom some town or body of people, and they do not bringforward a receipt, such is to be dismissed.

44. If one creditor refuses to have a composition.

[267]45. The officers may settle the time to be allowed to payoff a debt, after which the securities may be taken. For1,000 kobangs, 12 months to be allowed; for 30 kobangs, 40days.

46. When property already mortgaged is given in security.

47. In cases where the cargo of a ship is secretly soldupon her passage, and a story of bad weather is told.

48. When a father has sealed a draft of his intended will,and has not written it out, what is the position of the heirs.

49. When false witnesses are suborned.

50. Houses or ground are sometimes sold by relativeswhen the heir is young. It is therefore criminal to buyground without giving intimation to the proper officer.

51. It is the custom to have guarantees for servants, towhom wages are generally paid in advance. If the servantruns away with his wages, his surety must pay for him.

52. Half-yearly engagements with servants at the thirdand ninth month are usual. If a servant runs away beforehis time is out, his surety is responsible.

53. If it is another servant that is surety, he is responsible.

54. When a Daimio’s servant runs away, what is to bedone.

55. It is usual to have ten sureties—how this is to besettled. Not more than ten to be allowed.

56. If a runaway servant steals from his master.

57. If a man stays away from his wife for ten months shemay marry again. When he returns he is to be punished.

58. If a poor man secretly marries and has a child, andexposes it on the street, or if another man buys it and exposesit, either shall be speared or beheaded. The head manof the street is to be fined and deported from Yedo, and theGonin gumi or police guard of the street are to be punished.

The head man of a village or block of streets is Nanushi;under him is Iyaynushi. The Go nin gumi are five policein every street, who are appointed and paid by the streets.[268]Nanushi often have much power and become wealthy.Iyeyas in his laws tried to prevent this, as it is in toomany cases the result of oppression and bribery. In Yedoand Osaka the government appoints the Nanushi; in Miakothe people appoint them. The Nanushi of a village is generallya hereditary office.

59. If a man shall have adopted a daughter and thensells her to the government stews (Yosiwara), he is to bepunished. The punishment is to vary according to thewealth and the ability of the offender to support the child.

60. If any one secretly sells girls for prostitution to anyone but the Yosiwara, he is liable to punishment.

61. If a man sells his wife to the Yosiwara without reason,he is to be beheaded. But if the wife agrees to be sosold, and they are very poor, they may make such an arrangement.It was formerly the custom to kill a wife if shewas unfaithful, but of late the custom has been to dispose ofher to the Yosiwara.

62. The crime of adultery is to be punished with death(? in the case of the wife only).

63. Men and women who commit suicide together arenot to receive burial like men, but like dogs. If they attemptand do not succeed, they are to be exposed on theNihon bas (bridge) for three days, and then made beggars.

64. If a bozan or priest commit adultery, he shall bebeheaded. In cases of fornication, if it be the head priest,he shall be transported to the islands; if a young priest, heshall be exposed on the Nihon bas for three days. (Someyears ago one hundred and seventy young priests were thusexposed on the bridge at one time by Midzu no Idzumi nokami.)

65. In cases of persons professing San cho ha (three birds)Foosjiu (not take), Foossay (not give), they are to be transported.What these may mean it is difficult to find out; butpossibly they are names for some form of religion, eitherChristianity or Mohammedanism.

66. No one is allowed to introduce new forms of religion[269]or new gods into the country. If they do so, they are to bebanished from villages.

67. In cases of suicide the officers must be informed. Ifthey are privately buried with Buddhist burial, both priestsand friends shall be punished.

68. Mikassa, Bakuji and Mujing, different kinds of gambling,are to be severely punished.

69. Slight cases of theft are to be punished by floggingand banishment from towns and villages. In more seriouscases of theft, the criminals are first to be carried throughYedo publicly, and then are to be beheaded.

70. In reference to buyers and receivers of stolengoods.

71. As to those who engage in a trade without belongingto one of the guilds.

72. As to informers.

73. What steps are to be taken as to persons falling downdead in the streets.

74. As to things lost.

75. As to accomplices, or persons who indirectly assistcriminals to escape.

76. Forgers are to be beheaded.

77. As to putters-up of seditious placards on the walls.

78. What is to be done with a man who (as is sometimesdone in Yedo), on meeting a respectable man, suddenly accuseshim of striking him, or says he is married to his daughter,or gets up some story to extort money from him.

79. In cases when a man is the indirect cause of loss toanother—as by coming too late, and so loss is sustained.This is a crime, though the loss may be small.

80. Men who give false statements to officers.

81. As to false money, poison, false medicines, and falseweights.

82. As to setting a house on fire by mistake.

83. An incendiary is to be burned to death.

84. A reward to be given to the man who detects him.

85. As to murder of different kinds. In cases of accidental[270]death, a fine is to be levied on the homicide. It issaid to be a common custom in Japan to compound for crimeby paying relatives and bribing officers.

86. When a man kills another in self-defense.

87. If a man kill another by accident, as by a rifle-ball,he is to be transported; but if it is done in a military school,he is not punished. If a working man kills another by accident,he is banished from towns and villages.

88. If a man is angry with another for marrying a girlhe is in love with, and breaks in the door and causes adisturbance.

89. If a man is drunk and angry, and breaks some articleof value, the punishment is to be light; but if several aretogether, they are to be punished severely.

90. If, when drunk, he kills a man by accident, he is notto be severely punished.

91. If a man recovers from sickness and refuses to payhis doctor.

92. As to offenses committed by mad persons.

93. If a person under fifteen years of age commit murder,transportation is the punishment.

94. As to concealing criminals.

95. As to proclamations about offenders.

96. The officers cannot command a son to inform on orto give up his father or mother, or a servant his master,or a younger brother his elder.

97. In some cases the relatives of a criminal may be arrestedand confined, but this Chinese plan is not commonlyused in Japan.

98. Gowo mong—examination by torture, as striking, orpouring water down the throat.

99. As to escaping from banishment on the islands, orcrimes committed during banishment.

100. As to escaping from prison.

101. As to men who free themselves from their irons.

102. The higher rank a man is of, the more serious is hiscrime.

[271]103. And, vice versa, a crime is to be considered lighterin a man of low degree.

104. As to criminals who have been banished from townsand villages, if they try to return.

105. If he is ejected a second time he is marked, and ifhe returns a third time he is beheaded. These marks arebroad black bands across the arm. The different towns(Yedo, Miako, Osaka, and Nagasaki) have different waysof marking.

106. If any one shall secretly make weights. All theweights are made and issued by government in Japan.

107. In regard to the keepers of the street gates in Yedo,if one shall find any money or article of value and keep it.

108. In Yedo it is the custom to take out a drunken man,or a man that has died on the street, and lay him in another.This is to be punished.

109. If a man accused of a serious crime should die, hisbody is to be preserved in salt.

110. In reference to criminals and prisoners in bad health.There are four hospitals for criminals in Yedo.

111. A criminal whose time is expired, and who hasneither home nor friends, is to be put to work in Tsukudajimafor one thousand days, and at the end of that time theprofits of his labor are to be given him, and he may get astreet gate to keep.

112. If a man forces a girl to marry him, he shall bebeheaded.

113. Rules as to pawning and pawn-shops. Pawn-shopscharge very high interest—about ten per cent a month.

114. If a man be taken ill upon the Tokaido, he is not tobe sent from one village to another, but is to be kept, anda doctor sent for to attend him.

115. If a man who has no right to do so shall wear twoswords.

116. What is to be done to squatters upon wild ground,who have not given notice to the officers of their havingdone so.

[272]117. If a man tries to conceal or prevent the confiscationof his ground.

118. When the son of a criminal of high rank wishes toshave his head and become a priest, in some measure to savethe reputation of his family, he is to inform the officers andmake arrangements with them.

119. In reference to the children of a criminal, a differenceis made between the children of an officer and a commonperson.

120. All villages have registers and plans of the groundbelonging to each, and to the families of the villagers. Theseare sealed and kept by the head man of the village (nanushi),and he is bound to let any one inspect the registers. If herefuse, and complaint is made, he is to be punished.

121. What is to be done upon their liberation with criminalswho have been confined for slight offenses.

122. Different kinds of punishment for different offenses.Of these there are specified forty-six.

In case of disputes between persons belonging to the fourprovinces round Miako, Yamashiro, Yamato, Tanba, andOwomi, they are brought before the street governor ofMiako; but if a dispute arises between a person living inone of these provinces and an outsider, the case is broughtto Yedo. Litigation arising in the provinces of Idzumi,Kawatchi, Setsu, and Harima, is brought before the governorof Osaka.

No taxes are paid in Miako.

If a murder or arson be committed within the territoryof a Daimio, it is not necessary to bring the case to Yedo.

If the servants of a Daimio kill the servant of anotherDaimio the case must be brought before the Gorochiu.

If a Daimio has no island or place fit for transportation,the criminal’s relatives are bound to keep him in confinement.

The above is a sketch of the cases which may come beforethe criminal department of the Hio jo shio.

Hio jo shio russui are four officers who have charge ofthe building when not used.

[273]Ro ban.—Keeper of the prison (roya). The execution-groundis at the southeast corner of the prison, under a willow-treein front of the back gate. The office of executionerseems to be hereditary. Kubikiri Asayaymon is at presentthe executioner, and it is said that his son at fourteen couldcut off a head at a blow. The prison is surrounded by ahigh embankment, to prevent fires reaching it. If a fireoccurs within the building the prisoners are all liberated,and those who return have their punishment mitigated.

Jowo ro sama.—These are female officers. They aretwelve daughters of Koongays in Miako, who reside in thepalace at Yedo to superintend all the females, servants, etc.,and to look after their manners and morals. They are alwaysunmarried while in office, but sometimes marry Daimios.They generally come to the palace young, and areinstructed there in their duties. They have the opportunityof having great power, being at liberty to write to Miakoabout anything they may deem improper either in the conductof the ladies, women, or men of the court of Yedo, orof the Shiogoon himself.

Officers employed in situations at a distance from Yedo.—Thereare six main roads or entrances to Miako; over eachof these the Shiogoon places a guard under a Daimio, maintainingin addition a guard in the city itself. With the Shoshidaithere are nine Daimios resident in Miako.

Shoshidai.—This is the representative of the Shiogoon atthe court of Miako. It is an office requiring much tact andindependence of character. Formerly it was held by one ofthe more powerful Daimios, but it was found that the tendencyto be won over to the party of the Emperor was great,and it is now generally intrusted to a Fudai. His duty isto act as a go-between or embassador to the imperial court,and at the same time report to Yedo all changes. He doesnot address himself personally to the Emperor, or even tothe Kwanbakku, but to the Tenso, the officer deputed forthat purpose, and who in turn is at times sent to Yedo asenvoy from the Emperor. The office is one which entails[274]great expenditure, but it is one in which personal influencemay be largely used for the furtherance of intrigue and theacquisition of power. When Sakai was made Shoshidai,the Shiogoon gave him an addition to his income of 10,000koku per annum. He fell into disgrace with the Emperor,and committed suicide in 1862. The Emperor accused himof telling him falsehoods, while Sakai did not know that theaccounts furnished him were not true. Had he not committedsuicide, his property would have been taken fromhis son. His father committed suicide also as Shoshidaiat Miako in the time of Kokaku, grandfather of the presentEmperor.

Miako matchi boonio.—Two officers, governors of Miako,under the Shiogoon, whose duties are similar to those of thegovernor of Yedo.

Kinri tsuki.—Two officers who act as messengers betweenthe imperial officers and the Shoshidai.

Nijio dzei ban.—The castle of the Shiogoon in Miako iscalled Nijio. Two Daimios, and men under them, are appointedguards or governors of the castle.

There is a keeper of the storehouses in Miako belongingto the Shiogoon; also a keeper of the weapons of war, guns,great and small, and an officer who superintends the boatson the Yodongawa, the river running past Miako, to giveout licenses and receive the payment.

Fushimi boonio.—A Daimio, governor of the town ofFushimi, near Miako. Here Taikosama resided, and builtthe costly palace which was destroyed by an earthquake.All Daimios have or had residences at Fushimi.

Osaka jiodai.—Governor of the town of Osaka.

Jiobang.—Keeper or warden of the castle of Osaka, builtby Taikosama.

Dzeibang.—Captains of the guards in that castle. TwoDaimios take this duty.

Kabang.—Four Daimios. These three last officers areall together keepers of the castle of Osaka.

Osaka matchi boonio is street governor of Osaka.

[275]Funate is head officer over the boats and boatmen.

Kohoo, or Kofu.—The capital town of Kahi province, orKoshiu, where the Shiogoon has a large castle, built by TakedaSingeng. Hattamoto that have fallen into the blackbooks of the government for vicious conduct, or immorality,drinking, etc., are sent to this castle. Sometimes as manyas 500 Hattamoto are there in a sort of arrest, under surveillancebefore being again employed.

Nagasaki boonio.—Governors of Nagasaki, of whom thereare two, and two Daikangs to look after the lands belongingto the Shiogoon. Nagasaki and the land in the vicinity andthe island of Amakusa belong to the Shiogoon.

Narra boonio.—Governor of Narra, the ancient and ecclesiasticalcapital of Japan, a short distance from Miako.

Soonpu (Suruga no fu) is the castle of Suruga, built byImangawa, and occupied by Iyeyas some years before hisdeath, and afterward occupied by the ex-Shiogoon, Yoshihissa. There is a governor of the town and castle. At onetime the treasury of the Shiogoon was kept at Soonpu.

Suruga kabang.—One military Daimio. One of theShiogoon’s physic gardens for medicinal herbs is at Soonpu,in charge of an officer.

Kowo no san.—Tombs of some of the early predecessorsof the Shiogoon. Iyeyas was buried at Nikko, in Simotsuki,a day’s journey north of Yedo. There is an officer in chargeof the tombs at both places; where there are also, as officers,a keeper of accounts and a gatekeeper. In the province ofIsse, at the great temple there, the Shiogoon is representedby an officer, Yamada boonio. Over the town of Sakkai,near Osaka, is a governor.

Ooraga boonio.—The “gate” or seaport of Yedo belowKanagawa, in the bay of Yedo, has two governors. AtOoraga all junks and boats are examined by custom-houseofficials.

Sado boonio.—Two governors of the island of Sado,where are the gold mines.

Neegata boonio.—One governor of the town. This port[276]formerly belonged to a Daimio, Makino Bizen no kami, butabout the year 1840 the Shiogoon displaced him, and gavehim Nangaoka, in Etsingo, in place of Neegata. It wasalleged that an illicit trade was being carried on betweenCorea and this port, and also with the Dutch. It is said tobe a fine harbor, and was one of the ports opened to foreigntrade by treaty; but the harbor was found, or supposed tobe, too shallow for large ships. It has fallen off considerablyin trade and wealth since government took possessionof it.

Nikko boonio.—At Nikko Hill is buried To sho goo, orIyeyas, the first of the dynasty, and a fine temple (Chiusenji) is erected near the tomb. The actual tombs of heroesand great men in Japan, as has been said, seem to be generallyvery modest and unassuming memorials. From theroof of the temple at Nikko is hung a large chandelier presentedby the Dutch. The Shiogoons after Iyeyas are buried,some at the Shibba, a temple in Yedo, some at Ooyaynoor Toyay san, another large temple in Yedo; others atKowono san; and at Zozoji, in Yedo.

Gai koku boonio.—Ministers for foreign nations. Theseofficers were appointed in consequence of the opening of thecountry, and their duty is to communicate with the consulsor ministers of foreign nations on international questions,or matters connected with trade. They are Hattamoto ofrental varying from 150 to 3,000 koku per annum.

Kanagawa boonio.—There are two Hattamoto, governorsof this village, now risen into importance. The one isa man of 5,000 koku, the other of 1,200.

Seki sho.—In the different provinces of Japan there arepasses upon the roads, where, by reason of the surroundinghills, the road may be easily defended by a small force.These are considered the keys of the country, and at eachplace barriers (seki) are erected and guards appointed.These are important from a military point of view.

In the province of Segami there are six seki or barriers.Okubo kanga no kami, Daimio at Odawara, has charge of[277]them. They are—Hakonay upon the Tokaido, Neboo kawa,Yangura sawa, Sengo ku bara, Kawa mura, Tanega mura.

In the province of Towotomi there are three gates—Imangiri,Arai and Kenga.

In Kowotsuki are fourteen barriers—Fkushima, Goshina,Owo watari and another, Oossui, Yoko-ngawa, Koori, Kawa mata,Sarunga harra, Owo sassa, Dai-ïto, Kari jigu,Minami maki, Tokura.

In Etsingo province are five barriers—Itchi foori, Hatchidzaki, Seki ngawa, Mooshi kawa, Yama ngootchi.

In the province of Sinano six—Kin oochi ji, Nami aï, Obikawa, Ono ngawa, Fkushima, Ni engawa.

In the province of Simosa four—Seki yado, Matsudo,Fusa kawa, Nakatta.

In the province of Musashi four—Kobo toki, Ko iwa,Itchi kawa, Kana matchi.

In the province of Owomi three—Yama naka, Yanangassay, and another.

At these barriers no woman is allowed to pass without apassport from the governor of Yedo. No Daimio is allowedto bring cannon or muskets past a barrier without permission.Guards are stationed at each, to examine every youngperson as to sex. This is done in order to keep the wivesand families of Daimios at Yedo.

In Sinano province there are large forests, the propertyof government, on the Kisso hills, under charge of a Hattamoto.

Koondai (Kiun tai) is an officer who has the superintendenceof all the Shiogoon’s land in the different provinces inwhich it lies. One officer has generally the lands in two ormore provinces under his care.

Dai kwan are smaller and lower offices, with duties similarto and under the Koondai. They look after the groundand crops on the ground belonging to government. Theycalculate the amount payable by rice fields. To ascertainthis they frequently cut a tsubo (six feet square) dry, andthrash it, and calculate the product of the whole field therefrom.[278]They receive the rents, make leases, and act as factorson government lands. There are thirty-seven Dai kwan.

The Officers of the Mint.—The mint in Yedo is in Driongai tcho. It is under the superintendence of the treasurygovernor. There is the Kinsa, or the department where goldis coined; and the ginsa, the mint for silver coins. Depositsof silver and gold are found in several parts of Japan, butthe most of the gold used by government comes from theisland of Sado; the silver is brought from Ikoo no gin sain Tajima, and from Iwami province. In some of the territoriesof Daimios there are large quantities extracted, as inthe lands of Satsuma and Sendai. The latter has the rightof coining money, but the coin seems to circulate only withinhis own territory. Silver and gold, as bullion, are muchcheaper relatively to coin than in almost any other country:this arises probably from that peculiarity in the laws andcustoms of Japan—the Tokusayay, previously mentioned—whichprevents the natives using either metal as ornaments,or in any useful way. A good deal of gold must be used inthe manufacture and ornamentation of the lacquer-ware,which is sometimes profusely covered with gold; but, exceptfor this purpose, there is little or none used, as the ladies donot wear jewelry of any kind—neither earrings, nor rings,nor brooches. No plate is used at their dinners. Owing tothis, no one can put the precious metals, if they have any intheir possession, to any use, and the owner, in order to realizetheir value, must take them to the only market, which isgovernment. The government thus has the power of declaringwhat value it will put upon these precious metals, andpays accordingly for silver bullion thirty per cent below thevalue which is afterward put upon the coin.

Lastly, among the establishments kept up by the Shiogoonis the Nishi maro, literally the west round, the oldestpart of the shiro of Yedo. It was built by Owota do Kwang,as mentioned before. The castle is surrounded by a broadmoat filled with water. On the inner side a fine steep bankof grass slopes up from the water’s edge to such a height as[279]entirely to conceal the interior. The water is brought from aconsiderable distance—from the Tama ngawa River—beingled in a canal known as Tama ngawa jo sui. This was madeby Iyay Mitzko, the second after Iyeyas, and is under the careof the Owometski and Kanjo office. The Nishi maro isintended for the occupation of the child or children of theShiogoon, or for his father if he have abdicated. It is thereforefrequently empty, and in that case officers have chargeof the building, who are known as Nishi maro russui.

Within the circuit of the castle grounds are the residencesof the Gosankioh—the three princes, Stotsbashi, Tayass, andSaymidzu.

CHAPTER X
THE DAIMIO CLASS

In the official list of Daimios published at Yedo the pedigreeof each is given; the family name and descent; theperiod when the title commenced; the sons and daughters,with the names of their wives and husbands; where hisresidence in Yedo is situated, and likewise his houses inMiako, Osaka and Fusimi; the date of his accession to thetitle; who his wife is; his coats-of-arms, of which eachDaimio has two or more; the presents he is to make to theShiogoon both during the year when he resides in Yedo andduring that when he resides at his provincial residence; thepresents the Shiogoon makes to him on his coming to Yedo;how his communications are to be carried on with the Shiogoonand Gorochiu; the shape and color of the leather coveringof his official spears carried before him, as the spear-pointsare always carried covered with leather; the uniformor livery of his retainers; the title of his eldest son; thenames and titles of his large retainers, or Byshing; the mattoyayor solid ensign carried in his train, the flag he carries[280]on his ships, and the large mark upon his sails; theamount of his territorial income; the provinces in whichhis property lies; the distance of his residence from Yedo;the room in the palace of the Shiogoon to which he goes; thetemple in which he is buried.

In the official list the Daimios are classed by families(Kay), from many of which families there are cadets oroffshoots.

At the head of the Daimios stand the San Kay, “threefamilies,” Owarri, Kii, and Mito. Iyeyas in his laws callsthe first two from their cities, Nagoya and Wakayama.There are four provinces from which two Daimios at onetime are not permitted to take a title—Mootz, Mikawa, Musashiand Etsigo. No Daimio is allowed to take his titleof Kami from any of the three provinces, Kadsusa, Hitatsi,or Kowotsuki—they are reserved for the imperial family.

Of these Daimios, three are generally known as greaterKokushu; viz., 1, Kanga; 2, Satsuma; and, 3, Sendai.Fourteen are called lesser Kokushu: 4, Hosokawa; 5, Kuroda;6, Aki; 7, Nagato Mowori; 8, Hizen Nabeshima; 9,Inaba Ikeda; 10, Bizen Ikeda; 11, Isse no Tzu, Towodo;12, Awa, Hatchiska; 13, Tosa Yamano ootchi; 14, Sataki;15, Arima in Tsikugo; 16, Nambu; 17, Ooyay Soongi. Fourare new Kokushu: 18, Etsizen; 19, Tsuyama; 20, Idzumo;21, Aidzu.

This list comprehends all those who are supposed to becapable of taking an active share in the government of Yedo,or in ruling their own districts in the interest of the presentdynasty of Shiogoons.[8] When from any cause, such as ageor infirmity, a Daimio is incapacitated from attending to hisduties at Yedo, or when he becomes tired of the trammels ofState to which he is subjected, he may abdicate, and handover the dignities or the more irksome part of the duties[281]of office to his son. If he be suspected of intriguing againstthe powers of the State, he may be displaced, and the titletaken from him and given to some relative, or any one towhom the Shiogoon may be pleased to give it. It seemsbut rarely that any steps are taken against the person ofa Daimio, further than ordering him into arrest in his ownhouse, which his successor is often too glad to carry intoeffect. In the case of a Daimio being accused or convictedof any great crime, he may offer to shave his head andbecome a Buddhist priest, and so avoid any further consequences.The difficulty of seizing a man of rank in his ownterritory has probably led to these compromises. Thereforethe government tries to act through the interest of the retainersto obtain submission to its decrees. And it is onlywhen a man is powerful enough and wealthy enough (withpersonal ability to boot, as in the case of Choshiu in 1866) tocarry on war, that it becomes necessary to take up arms, andthen nothing short of civil war can be the result.

As a consequence of this state of things, there is a largenumber of persons in Japan who have been Daimios, but whoare in a position, real or nominal, of retirement from theworld and its cares. These are the fathers or brothers or relativesof those who now hold the title, and who have probablybeen put in to fill the position on account of their tender age.Many no doubt thus retire of their own free will; but thedisturbances consequent upon Ee Kamong no kami’s vigorousaction in 1857 forced others to give up the title andplace in order to save them for their family. Others have,for the same object, committed suicide.

Daimios who have thus retired into private life are calledInkio (Chin., “Yin ku”)—i.e., retired into privacy. He isthenceforth known generally by the name of his castle orprovince, with the word for “late” or “formerly,” saki no,prefixed to the highest title which he bore.

In 1862 there were 104 of these Inkio Daimios, whosenames are given at the end of the peerage, and of whom thefollowing are most prominent:

[282]1. Owarri, saki no Chiunagoong.—This is the Daimiowho was degraded by the regent.

2. Mimasaka, saki no Chiujo.—This is the thirty-fourthchild of the eleventh Shiogoon, and known as Kakudo.

3. Akashi, saki no Shosho, is also a son of the Shiogoon,and was adopted by Matzdaira Hiobu no tayu.

4. Ooajima, saki no Shosho. His son is also on the retiredlist.

5. Etsizen, saki no Chiujo Shoongaku.—He was degradedby the regent, but was restored, and afterward became regentor Sosai.

A Buddhist name is at times adopted when he does notwish to continue to bear a title.

When he has shaved his head and becomes a priest, heis called Niudo; i.e., entered the path of Buddha.

Keng, Sei, Ang, and Eeng are Buddhist titles taken bythose who have retired from the world.

The Hattamoto—literally, “the root or foundation of theflag or army.”—This rank was formerly called Shiomio,“small names,” in contradistinction to Daimio, “greatnames.” The Hattamoto are officers of the Shiogoon’sgovernment, who in rank and emoluments come next tothe Daimios. Hattamoto are eligible to fill all the officesin the different departments of the Yedo government underthe Gorochiu (to which Daimios alone are appointed). Whenit is wished to put a Hattamoto into the Cabinet, he is firstgiven by the Shiogoon territory equivalent to 10,000 kokuper annum. A Hattamoto may be described as an officerof the government in the possession of land valued from 500to 9,999 koku. Officers with less than 500 koku are belowHattamoto, and known as Go kennin; and beneath themare Ko jiu nin. Lower still are the account-keepers; Ototorimi, bird-keepers; Okatchi, spies and men about thekitchen; and Yoriki and Do sin. Hattamoto are generallyof the fifth rank, or Shodaibu, and never of the fourth. SomeHattamoto have titles from the Emperor, others have titlesof provinces, as Daimios have, but those who have any titles[283]are a small minority of the whole number. Some Hattamotoreceive titles for one generation only, known as Itchi daiYoriaï. The class is divided into large and small—the formerhaving from 3,000 to under 10,000 koku of land; thelatter from 500 to 3,000. They are divided into—

1. Kotai Hattamoto, or those who go to Yedo on alternateyears.

2. Yoriaï.

3. Ogo bang.—These live in or have charge of a castle,such as Kofu, Soonpu, etc.

4. Shingo bang.—These act as guards to the Shiogoonin Yedo.

5. O niwa bang.—These are keepers of the gardens, aregenerally spies, and consequently avoided by other officers.

Some of the principal families of Hattamoto are thefollowing:

Soonga numa, with 7,000 koku, at Shinshiro, in Mikawaprovince. An old family, proud of the family name.

Matzdaira Hissamatz is a relative of Matzdaira Oki nokami, related to the Shiogoon’s family, and uses the Awoeeor crest of the Shiogoon, with 6,000 koku; lives at Izassa inShimosa.

Takanoya Matzdaira is the lineal descendant of the Nittafamily, with 4,500 koku; lives at Nishingori in Mikawa.

Ikoma Tokutaro was, in the time of Taikosama, a powerfulDaimio, is now a Hattamoto with 8,000 koku, living atYajima in Dewa.

Yamano Mondo no ske, also a descendant of the Nittafamily; was, in the time of Ashikanga, powerful, with 6,700koku; resides at Mura oka in Tajima, is considered a goodfamily, and, as related to the Shiogoon, has special privileges.

Hirano.—His ancestor, H. Gonpe, was a noted warriorin Taikosama’s time. The family is much respected, has5,000 koku, and lives at Sawara moto in Yamato.

Kinoshta.—Calls himself of the line of Taikosama, with5,000 koku. His castle is Tateishi in Boongo.

Yamazaki.—Formerly a powerful family, now with 5,000[284]koku; resides at Nariwoo in Bitsjiu; is descended from thethird brother of Hatchimang taro.

Mongami, lineally descended from Ashikanga, is lookedupon as a Kokushiu; resides at Owomori in Owomi, with arevenue of 5,000 koku.

Kowotsuki, at Kowotsuki in Owomi, with 4,700 koku,is the lineal male descendant of the Ooda Genji line.

Besides these Hattamoto, there are Kotai Yoriaï, whoare landed proprietors of very old families, but who are asTozama, and take no part in affairs, such as—

Nassu, a very old family in Shimotsuki.

Mikawa shiu, the line of Iyeyas’s family.

Nakajima Mayra was found in the Mayra district inKiusiu.

There are, besides these, Hattamoto, styled Hira Yoriaï,with revenues from below 10,000 koku downward, such as—

Minagawa, with 9,000 koku.

Seigo, and others.

Kondo nobori no ske, with 5,400 koku, who is lookedupon as first Hattamoto, not by rank, but because he refusedto take the rank of Daimio from Iyeyas when offeredto him.

Koozai, Foonayoshi.—These two are very wealthy. Theywere formerly engaged in trade with the Portuguese in thesixteenth century.—And many others, with incomes graduallydecreasing to 500 koku per annum.

Hattamoto officers have generally been employed on interviewswith foreign embassadors, or as embassadors toforeign courts on the conclusion of treaties.

Those who negotiated the treaty with Lord Elgin in 1858were—Midzuno Tsikugo no kami, a low Hattamoto. Hewas afterward disgraced, but in 1862 was appointed governorof Hakodadi, and looked upon as a shrewd, wily man.—NagaiGenba no kami was also a low Hattamoto. Hewas also disgraced in the changes which followed, but inSeptember, 1862, was appointed Sa kio, or street governorof Miako.—Inooyay Sinano no kami was the minister for[285]naval affairs—was of low origin, the son of a Gokennin. Henegotiated the treaty with Mr. Harris, United States Minister.He was in 1862 made a governor for foreign affairs.—HoriOribay no kami was considered an upright man andjust in his dealings. After the part he took in signing thetreaty, he got into difficulties with Ando and Koozay in theGorochiu, and committed suicide.—Iwase Higo no kami,a low Hattamoto, a very cunning man, since dead.—IsudaHanzaburo was an obscure Gokennin.

The Dutch treaty was signed by Nagai Genba no kami;Okabay Suruga no kami, a low Hattamoto; and Iwase Higono kami.

The Portuguese treaty was signed in 1860 by Misono-gootchiSanuki no kami, a high Hattamoto—he was appointedin 1862 general in command of the castle of Osaka;Sakkai oki no kami, a Hattamoto with 2,000 koku—he isnow governor of the exchequer in Yedo; and MatzdairaDjirobe—had office in 1862 in the castle Kofu.

The embassadors who visited Europe were of the rankof Hattamoto: Take no ootchi, Simotski no kami, and others.The embassies were accompanied by agents from themore powerful Daimios, such as Satsuma, Choshiu, andothers, who reported their observations to their own masters.

The Kokay, or Kowokay, as has been before stated, is aclass which is looked upon as intermediate in rank betweenDaimios and Koongays. They are not permitted to takepart in the affairs of government. They are the representativesof old families, and receive pay from government. Theclass is divided into Kimo iri kokay and Omotte Kokay.

Among the former are Hatake yama. His ancestor wasa partisan of Yoritomo; his tomb is at Kamakura.—Toki,a general of Ashikanga’s time.—Yura, a powerful familyin the time of Ashikanga.—Otta, the lineal descendant ofNobu nanga.—Rokaku; in the time of Yoritomo known asSassaki.—Arima, related to Arima, the Roman Catholic.—Imagawa,formerly lord of Surunga, and builder of Soonpu[286]castle; defeated by Iyeyas.—Takeda, of the family of T.Singeng, who fought against Iyeyas. And others.

Of the Omotte Kokay—There are Owotomo, of the familyof Owotomo Boongo no kami, the great patron of theJesuits in the sixteenth century. At one time a very powerfulfamily, possessing the greater portion of the island ofKiusiu, before the power of Satsuma rose to a height. Thefortunes of the family fell with those of the Jesuits; and tothe league formed against these foreigners, the confiscationof the extensive property of Owotomo was the stimulus toenergy and the reward of victory.—Ooyay sungi was verypowerful in the province of Etsingo, and the family for longheld the office of Kwanrei at Kamakura. The direct descendantof the Nitta line was Jera matz manjiro. He wasnaturally a proud man, and refused to come to Yedo whenIyeyas invited him, and, in consequence, he lost his position;but the other Daimios, who trace their origin to thesame source—the Nitta family—support him in a positionequal to themselves.

The class of officers next below the Hattamoto is theGokennin. The highest income they receive from governmentis less than 500 koku per annum.

Beneath the Gokennin, officers come under the generalclassification of Yakunins or officials—literally, “businessmen.” This name is applied to the lower officers employedby the Shiogoon—such as Kumi gashira, Shirabbe yaku,Jo yaku, and Shtabang. There are no Yakunins in Miako;there the Emperor’s sub-officials are called Kwannin.

Every Yakunin is supposed to swear that he will do whatever,right or wrong, he is ordered to do by his government.

It is not permitted to Gokennin, or to officials of lowerrank, to ride in Yedo or upon the highroads; they must walk.

Such being the details of the officers under the Shiogoon,the government is so well regulated as to have worked withcomparative smoothness for 250 years. The safeguards andchecks which were devised by Iyeyas have been in operationup to recent times. The setting apart of three families from[287]the members of which the Shiogoon might be chosen, givesa powerful support to the reigning family. The designationof four families, from out of which a regent might be appointed,and the further naming of thirteen families fromout of which the Cabinet was advised to be formed, out ofthe broader basis of 135 Fudai or working Daimios, whowere generally comparatively poor, gave to all the higherclasses a consistency of interest in the existing state of things.Power over the person of the individual, and over his personalpower of mischief, in regard to the more powerfulprinces, was sought to be obtained by the detention of thewives and families in Yedo, and by visiting the sins of anintriguing prince, not upon his family or retainers, but uponhimself alone. It would appear that when the Shiogoon isof age, and of sufficient capacity, he will appoint his ownministers out of the different families named by Iyeyas tothis end. It is to the interest of the State as well as of theKokushiu that they should continue unmolested in the possessionof their extensive territories and jurisdiction; andintrigues are prevented as far as possible by no one beingallowed to visit another within his territories. While thepower which the government held over the persons andproperty of these powerful princes, by having the wivesand families as hostages at Yedo, was promoted by thewish for their welfare on the part of the husbands or parents,it was kept in force by the strange custom of thesepowerful lords coming up to the court at Yedo every alternateyear, or, in some cases, every six months. Perhapsthis was aided by the dullness of their country quarters comparedwith the gayety of the capital. If the Shiogoon bea minor, or incapable of holding the reins of power, theablest or the least scrupulous of those who have any claimto the situation becomes regent, and he rules the empire forthe time being. A regency, however, has not been frequentlynecessary during the rule of the present family,but the appointment has never been held by one man formore than three years, and the tenure, it is said, has generally[288]been terminated by assassination. The regent removeshis political foes, and appoints in their place menholding his own views. He carries himself as a ruler overmen who are his superiors in wealth and rank—the Kokushiu. These men are still obliged to repair to Yedo,where they find, in place of an acknowledged superior, ahaughty inferior, to whom they must pay court. This isone weak point of the system, and that upon which it threatenedto break up. This forms the last chapter of the historyof the empire.

The above is a sketch of the court of the Shiogoon, withwhich one must be acquainted before the past history or thecurrent events in the empire can be thoroughly understood.

CHAPTER XI
THE HISTORY OF THE EMPIRE CONTINUED

The history of Japan, during the two and a half centuriesafter the death of Iyeyas, presents a continuous narrative oftranquillity and peace when contrasted with the stormy timeswhich preceded that era. The laws which Iyeyas made, andthe steps which he took, seem to have brought about the endwhich he had in view; namely, establishing his own familyas de facto rulers of the empire, and placing them upon aseat which should be too strong for any rival to overthrow.

The peace which was so happily granted to the empirewas so perfect and of such duration that in the year 1806 agreat national festival was held, when the nobles and peoplecongratulated the Emperor upon what was an unprecedentedfact in the history of Japan, and indeed it may be said ofany nation, an unbroken peace of nearly two hundred years.

The only subject of discord left behind him by Iyeyas athis death was the question of the treatment of the foreigner[289]in his twofold capacity of trader and missionary. The foreigner,as a trader, Iyeyas wished to retain at his ports, inorder that he himself might enjoy the benefits of trade, andkeep himself acquainted with what was going on in the worldaround him. The foreigners, as proselytizing missionaries,bringing professions of peace and goodwill, but who seemedto be in reality preachers of sedition and organizers of rebellion,were not to be tolerated; and he came to the conclusion,that if any real peace was to be obtained for the country, itmust be at the expense of the former. “Perish trade,” hesaid, “that my country may have the greater blessing ofpeace.” With the view of carrying out his plans, anotheredict was, in the year 1616, promulgated against the RomanCatholic religion, about which time the evidence of thesefathers would lead to the belief that, “from Taikosama’sdeath, 1598, to the year 1614, the fathers of the Society baptizedupward of 104,000; and what is more, in the first threeyears of the persecution, when the very pillars themselvesbegan to shake, they converted 15,000 more. By this timethe Jesuits had traversed the whole empire, and claimedconverts, not only in Yedo, but in Oshiu (or Mootz) andDewa to the extreme north. The province of Oshiu is separatedfrom Dewa by a long chain of high mountains allcovered with snow, and here it was that the poor exiledChristians lived, destitute of all human assistance. One ofthe Jesuits, moved with compassion at their misfortune, tooka journey into that country, climbing up the hills over hideousprecipices in deep snow. He visited privately the Christiansthat wrought in the mines, and confessed and communicatedthem. The same he did at the hospital of lepers,which happened to be at that time full of Christians.” Thiswas, as we are told, done quietly, and by the assistance ofconverts; but, as heretofore, while some of the differentorders of the Roman Church were disposed to keep quiettill better times should dawn, and carry on their ministrationsin secret, as it were, others were still inclined to showa zeal without knowledge, and thus kept up the ardor of[290]their enemies about the court. During the year 1626 Midzuno and Take naka were sent down to Nagasaki to examineinto and report upon the state of the Christian religion; andthe government, knowing that the Cross was the symbol ofthe faith, and an object of the highest reverence among theChristians, resolved to make the question of such reverencethe shibboleth or test of the individual strength of faith. In1636 orders were issued by government that every one inNagasaki was to assemble each month for the purpose ofstanding upon, with the object of desecrating, a copper “ita,”or plate, with an engraven representation of the Christiancriminal God—i.e., of our Saviour. This order was strictlycarried out at Nagasaki, while another such plate was (andis) kept at Osaka for the purpose of testing suspected persons.This act of desecration is known as “Yayboomi,” andwas carried out till the recent conclusion of treaties withChristian nations.

This last device of the government appears to have beensuccessful in separating the Christian element from theheathen; but it terminated in a way which was, perhaps,not expected by the authorities; namely, in driving the poorChristians of the island of Kiusiu to band together, and ultimatelyin desperation to take up arms in their own defense.Had the Christians resorted to this ultima ratio at first,instead of leaving it as the last card they had to play, theresult of the game might have been different from what itturned out to be. Refusing to perform such an act of irreverenceand desecration, they were obliged to fly to the hillsand band together for the common object of protection. Thenumbers increased until they amounted to upward of 40,000men. The most prominent leader among them appears tohave been Massida shiro, fourth son of Jimbe, in Kobemura,in Hizen province; and he was assisted by two brothers,Oyano Kozayaymon and O. Kemmootz. These are probablythe two brothers to whom Tavernier, the great Easterntraveler, alludes in an appendix to his work, when hementions, on the authority of one Father Barr, who seems[291]to have been in Japan at the time, that “none were morezealous or faithful to the Christians than the two lords ofXimo, Francis and Charles, sons of the lord of Buzen.”

The Roman Catholics who had been recently forced outof the city of Nagasaki and the town adjacent gatheredthemselves together under the command of Massida, andresolved to make a final stand in the island of Amacusa,at that time belonging to Terasawa, formerly governor ofNagasaki, and under the charge of his retainer Miako tobe.The first move of this Christian army was to seize the castleof Tomioka. This put them in possession of the island,after which the army crossed over to occupy the castleof Simabara, situated about twenty miles from Nagasaki,and meditated an attack upon that town. The movementsof both parties seem to have been slow, as, after a delay oftwelve months, the government issued orders to the Daimiosof the island of Kiusiu to collect, equip and send forward anarmy under the command of Itakura Suwo no kami to besiegethe castle and town of Simabara. Itakura, probably actingupon the advice of his augurs, the Buddhist priesthood, attackedthe city upon the first day of the year, and was killedin the attempt, when the command devolved upon MatzdairaIdzu no kami, with Toda san mong and Matzdaira Sin saburo.After sustaining a siege of two months, and repelling severalattacks, the Christians were at last overcome and the castlewas taken. The whole of the persons found in the city—men,women, and children—were massacred, to the numberof 31,000. The three leaders were taken, together with awoman, beheaded, and the heads put up on the gate of theDutch factor’s house at Hirado. After the affair was over,the native accounts say that “the guns from Nagasaki wereof great use, therefore he presented money.” The factor atthe time appears to have been named Koekkebekker, and thestatement that money was presented implies in the nativeaccount that it was given to the Dutch for the assistancederived from their cannon, which are said to have fired froma ship and a battery on shore 426 balls. A great deal has[292]been made of this against the Dutch, as using their influenceto extirpate Christianity from the empire; but whenthe guns were demanded by the Japanese, the Dutch factorwas powerless to refuse.

A few native vessels were at this time permitted to tradewith China, Hainan, Formosa, and Tonquin; and theremust have been a considerable number of Japanese collectedin Macao and its neighborhood, some probably traders orrunaway sailors, others as refugees on account of religion,or as being educated for the priesthood. Up to a recentperiod the remains of a large building with a garden-wallwere visible on the Lappa, opposite Macao, which wasknown to the Chinese as the “Yut pone lao,” or Japanesehall, now better known as the “Fan kwei lao,” or hall ofthe outer devils.

According to native history, in the year 1640 some of the“Jashiu mong” (one of the names by which the RomanCatholic sect was known in Japan) came to Kagosima inSatsuma. Orders were given to the inhabitants not to speakto and not to listen to these foreigners. Two officers, Kangatsumefrom Miako and Baba saburo from Nagasaki, wereordered to investigate and communicate the result. Theyfound that “there were in one ship seventy-three men of thissect; of this number sixty were beheaded, and the remainderwere sent to the islands.” This is the way in which nativeauthors put the arrival and treatment of four Portuguesegentlemen who were sent as embassadors to Japan fromMacao in order to endeavor if possible by a last stroke toreopen the trade which had been lost. The four gentlemen,with their suite and the crews of the vessels to thenumber of sixty men, were beheaded at Nagasaki, whilethe remaining thirteen were sent back to Macao to informthe authorities there of the treatment they had received.In the Cathedral of Macao may be seen a painting of theexecution of these embassadors.

Deeply regretting the loss of the trade of Japan, andnothing daunted by the fate of these envoys, King John,[293]upon ascending the throne of Portugal after the separationof the kingdom from the dominion of Spain, thought it agood opportunity to attempt to reopen negotiations; andwith this view Don Gonzalo de Sequeyra was dispatchedwith two vessels and numerous presents to pave the way.He was, though more fortunate, not more successful thanthose envoys sent from Macao. By the accounts of nativehistorians, “two black ships came to the island of Iwogasima, south of Satsuma. They said they were all Nanbangmen, and that there was not one Roman Catholic [priest?]among them. The captain said, ‘My country’s king is nowchanged. I have a dispatch from the new king, and I wishit to be forwarded as soon as convenient to Yedo.’” Inooyayand Yamagaki were sent from Yedo to make inquiries.They demanded that the powder and guns should first of allbe given up, and then they would hear what the envoys hadto say. The captain replied, “‘Trading is a matter whichconcerns all countries. If Japan does not choose to tradewith us, that is her affair, but the guns and powder cannotbe given up.’ Thereupon all the Daimios in the island ofKiusiu were ordered to hold themselves in readiness withmen and boats. The name of the envoy was Kom sa aru,”etc., in which an attempt was made to write his name inJapanese sounds. He said he was a relative of the King ofPortugal. Answer was sent down from Yedo to the effectthat these ships had committed a serious offense, but thatthey should be dealt leniently with, and were to be orderedto leave the shores and not to return. After staying in allforty-three days, the two vessels departed. They had twocaptains and 400 men. The one was 156 feet long by 42broad; the other was 144 feet long by 36 broad. Each vesselhad 20 large guns. After this visit orders were given tothe Kiusiu Daimios to have always in readiness a force of55,000 men and 997 guard-boats for the protection of thecoasts. In the year 1666 another edict was issued againstthe Roman Catholics, so that it would appear that somesparks of the faith were still lingering here and there,[294]which the government feared might at any moment befanned into flame.

In the year 1709, Abbé Sidotti, an Italian priest of goodfamily, determined to devote himself to the cause, and tomake another attempt to regain Japan to the Church ofRome. With difficulty he found a captain of a vessel tradingat Manila, who agreed to put him ashore on some pointof the coast, and there to leave him to his own resources.When off the coast of Satsuma a boat was lowered, and theabbé, with a few small coins in his pocket, was put on shore.The boat returned, and the ship sailed away. After a longinterval, a report reached the Dutch factory, through Chinese,that the abbé had been taken and immured betweentwo walls, and allowed to perish of hunger. But this haslately been disproved by the discovery of a full account ofhis arrest and examination, and detention about Yedo untilhis death, which does not appear to have taken place formany years. This was the last effort made by the Churchof Rome to regain the footing she had lost.

Hidetada, the son and successor of Iyeyas, would seemnot to have possessed the talents or firmness of his father,but he had the advantage of his father’s advice and assistanceduring the greater part of his rule. His son, Iyaymitz,when he was capable of ruling, and had come to the officeof Shiogoon, found that the spirit of the Daimios had beensoftened by the long peace. The yoke of the Tokungawafamily did not gall their necks, and they preferred peaceand ease in the assured possession of their estates, to therisk and violence of wars and constant disturbance in theempire. Iyaymitz on more than one occasion visited the Emperorin Miako with great pomp, but a real or suspectedattempt to assassinate him seems to have put a stop to thesevisits.

The year 1634 is given as the date at which the customof the Daimios visiting Yedo on alternate years commenced.The Daimios coming to Yedo and returning from it arespoken of as Sankin and Kotai. The custom seems to have[295]been long in use in Miako, but in a more temporary way,and simply as being a duty of each lord to visit and pay hisrespects at the imperial court once a year when they offeredpresents. This visit was by Iyeyas transferred to his courtat Yedo and Soonpu; but it appears to have fallen into desuetudeand irregularity during the life of Hidetada. ButIyaymitz, who was an able, proud, and precise ruler, foundthat his father had not been much respected by the Daimios,who still retained the recollection of the wars and prowessof Iyeyas; but in course of time these men were succeededby their sons, who were of a more effeminate spirit, and hadno such associations. Iyaymitz, taking advantage of thischange, invited all the Daimios to visit him at Yedo, whenhe proposed rules for their visiting and residing at his court,to which they all agreed, swearing fealty, and signing thedeed each with his own blood drawn from above the nail ofthe finger. A hall had been built on the Goteng yama, arising-ground near Yedo, in which the Shiogoon was to meetthe Daimios on their arrival; but under Iyaymitz the customwas discontinued and the ground made public.

During the same year, the “Court of Deliberation,” theHio jo sho, was established in Yedo, with the view at theoutset of investigating charges brought against Daimios.The Mayassu hako, or box for complaints, now standingin front of the Hio jo sho, was not placed there till theyear 1721.

One Shiogoon after another succeeded to the throne, notalways without suspicion of unfair means being used tohasten the conclusion of the reign. It is generally believedthat Tsuna yoshi was killed by his wife when he was on theeve of proclaiming the son of Yanangi sawa, one of his ministers,his successor. The heir was Iyay nobuko, the son ofthe eldest son of Iyaymitz; the father, when a young man,having been sent to the castle of Kofoo under arrest on accountof irregularity of conduct. In the year 1716, on thedeath of the infant Shiogoon, Iyay tsoongu, a difficulty occurredas to the succession, when Yoshi mone, who was of[296]the royal house of Kii shiu, was selected by the Kokushu,on the recommendation of Eeyee kamong no kami, thenRegent. Having abdicated in 1745, he died in 1751, and isreputed as one of the ablest and wisest of the Shiogoons ofthe dynasty. The next Shiogoon was Iyay hige; and duringthe rule of his successor, Iyay haru, about 1765, a commonfoot-soldier, Tanuma, rose to be chief minister, a positionand power which he used not only to gratify his ownevil propensities, but to disseminate the same corruptionover the empire. Preventing all communications with theShiogoon, he did what was right in his own eyes; forbadeall persons to study; changed the laws; and devoted himselfand the empire to debauchery. He was made a Daimio, andplaced at the head of the Cabinet. A conspiracy formedagainst him failed, and the principal conspirators were beheaded;but he was at length put down by Matzdaira Etsjiuno kami, who published at this time the “Tenka hatto, mikkahatto,” or three days’ proclamation over the empire.

The Japanese are proud of and delight in the beautifulscenery of their country; and every one who has opportunity,including nearly all the inhabitants, male and female,makes a walking tour at some period of his life over thecountry, visiting the more remarkable temples, which aregenerally placed in favorable sites amid woods, and surroundedby fine forest-trees, the immediate precincts beingkept with the most scrupulous care and nicety of gardening.Nowhere are the temples more magnificent or the sceneryfiner than about Miako; and it had been for long the customfor the Emperor to go out and visit some one of the templesin the neighborhood of Miako, and offer worship. In theyear 1722 a day was set apart in spring, and again inautumn, on which the whole court should annually go outon a sort of gigantic picnic—the Emperor drawn in a carby oxen, and accompanied by all the Koongays—when theyvisit some of the temples most renowned for their sanctityor for the beauty of the grounds. This procession is calledMiyuki or Gokowo. There are two gardens adjoining the[297]palace in Miako, Shoongakuji and Katsura, which are saidto be most exquisitely laid out and kept in beautiful order.The gardeners who have the charge of these gardens belongto a class or sect known as Gayra, a people who live apartby themselves in a few villages in the neighborhood of thecapital. They are said to have kept themselves apart incustoms and religion for many generations. In religion,they say there is but one God, and that all men below theEmperor are equal. They, as Quakers with us, will not useterms of respect to other men, such as “kudasare,” or callmen by titles, as “sama,” similar to “esquire”; saying thatthey only adhere to old customs in so doing. They arethemselves respected as being of old and pure descent, andtheir children are often selected by Koongays for adoption.They principally follow the occupation of gardeners, or thatof breeders of horses.

In the year 1639, the Portuguese and Spaniards havingbeen expelled, and the Dutch factory alone left at Hirado,the commissioner was ordered to remove his people andoffices to the small factory on Desima, “the Outer Island,”at the head of the inlet of Nagasaki, and trade was prohibitedat all other places in Japan, and to any other nation,with the exception of the Chinese.

In connection with the Dutch and their position on theseseas, the pirate commonly known as Coxinga is worthy ofnotice. Koku seng ya, as he is known in Japanese history,was the son of a Chinese, Ching tsing lung (Tayshi rio inJapanese), by a Japanese woman. The father was for manyyears, as pirate and admiral, the terror of the Chinese seas.His son succeeded him in his former capacity, and reducedthe coasts of China to such a state of terror and devastation,that an order was given, as a desperate remedy, thatevery person should remove into the interior to a distance oftwelve miles from the shore, leaving the cities to decay andthe fields to waste. In 1647 Coxinga went over to Japan,and offered his services to, or asked the assistance of, thegovernment in an attack he meditated upon China; but his[298]application was refused. He seems to have again applied tothe government in 1658, when he turned his attention to theisland of Formosa. A large number of Japanese convertshad fled to this island, and the Dutch had built one or twoforts with the view of protecting a trade which they hopedmight grow up with China. In 1662 Coxinga attacked andcaptured the fort Zelandia, putting to death nearly all theDutch soldiers, missionaries, and their wives and families.Only a few men and some of the young women were notkilled. A curious but melancholy sigh is wafted over fromthis long-forgotten remnant of Dutch Christianity and civilizationin a letter which was brought to Japan about the year1711 by the captain of an English vessel who had touched atFormosa on his way out; and as the letter comes through aJapanese channel, there is no reason to doubt its authenticity.The captain, in answer to interrogations, says, “Thereis no war in Tonay [Formosa] now, and we have no tradethere. The Dutch head man asked me to give the followingletter to the Dutch commissioners in Nagasaki: ‘Please askJapan to help us; we are now shut up as in a prison, andevery day we weep. The names of the Dutch in Tonay are[here the names are given in Japanese]. I hear that thisEnglish vessel is going hence to Japan; therefore we takethe opportunity of sending this letter to you. The Tonaycountry was seized many years ago; but we are still alive,but we are in a most miserable state. Please help us toreturn to our country. We pray you to speak to the Kogee[Kubosama].

“‘Signed by the head man Yohang Hoorohooro, andtwo others.

“‘There are ten women and several children here.’”

Nicolas Verburgh seems to have been the name of theofficer in command of the fort at the time of its capture in1662, and the signature, as written by a Japanese, closelycorresponds to the pronunciation of the name, and Yohangmay have been his son John. From the tenor of the letterit seems hardly possible to doubt but that these were some[299]of the survivors of the Dutch captured in 1662; and if so, itis curious to have such a fact coming to light through Japaneseinformants, and melancholy to think of such a tediouscaptivity lightened up after fifty years by the hope of oncemore revisiting their home, and being redeemed from theirnever-ending misery.

The name of this English ship is not given, but nativehistory tells us that the captain brought with him an exactcopy of the treaty or letter signed by Iyeyas, traced uponpaper, and expressed a wish to communicate with the Shiogoonat Yedo. A Dutch interpreter was sent to see if therewere any Portuguese on board. The guns and musketswere taken ashore. There were eighty-four of a crew onboard. The captain’s name was Sayemon Terohoo (SimonDrew?). The ship was 114 feet long by 27 broad. Thenfollows a list of articles on board—ammunition, which wastaken charge of by the Japanese: Gunpowder, 35 tubs; balls,660; leaden bullets, 2 tubs; iron bullets, 1 tub; small stonebullets, 8 tubs; matchlocks, 47; flint muskets, 23; spears,24; swords, 339.

There were on board, as presents for the Shiogoon, “onefine English musket, double-barreled, 3 feet 3 inches inlength; four muskets with very intricate and finely-madelocks, besides eight others which cannot be used, but arevery well made; and four molds for making balls.”

The cargo consisted of cotton, woolen and cotton cloth,furs, fragrant wood, chintz, scented water, quicksilver, lookingglasses, tin, silk, crape, etc. The captain was interrogatedas to his religion, as to the Portuguese, and as to a changehe had made in the national flag which he sailed under,which he explained by saying that he was told the Japanesedid not like the cross.

The Dutch had carried on their trade at the island ofHirado, where an extensive land-locked bay is pointed outas the harbor. They were ordered in 1639 to leave thatport, and in future to resort to Nagasaki, where a smallisland, which was afterward connected by a bridge with the[300]town, was appointed them as a place of residence and fortrade, being about the same size as the factories at Cantonoccupied by foreigners till 1856.

Several attempts were made by other nations, at longintervals, to reopen a trade with the country; but it wasthought by the Dutch to be their interest to oppose anysuch competition, and the Japanese themselves dreaded,with good cause, any renewal of the former state of things.

The national annals during the period which elapsed betweenthe era of Iyeyas and the reopening of the countryadvert to a number of occurrences of temporary and localimportance only. The comparatively trivial nature of thesetends to bring out into relief the continued quiet and restwhich the country has enjoyed under the form of governmentestablished by Iyeyas, and after all complications arisingfrom dealings with other nations were forcibly put anend to by the expulsion of foreigners.

The Daimio Fkushima Massanori was banished in 1619to the island of Hatchi jo for a series of cruelties practicedupon his family, his servants, and his people, which showthat he was deranged; and his extensive territories, occupyingthree provinces, were confiscated.

In 1621 the Emperor married the daughter of the Shiogoon.

The temple of To yay zan was built in Yedo for the occupationof the high-priest, who is alluded to in the laws ofIyeyas as being appointed to fill that position as a near relativeof the Emperor, and one whom the Shiogoon may placeon the throne in case of rebels siding with the Emperorin opposition to the Shiogoon. He is the most illustriouspersonage in Yedo. The grounds are very beautiful, andformerly belonged to the family of Todo.

In the year 1631, about the month of November, it iscurious to observe that the annals take notice of a prodigiousnumber of ironstones having fallen from heaven, showingthat the meteoric orbit has been crossing that of theearth as visibly two hundred years ago as it does now.[301]This occurrence probably took place during the day, as atother times these meteors are spoken of as falling stars.

The aqueduct by which water is led from the Tamangawato Yedo, and thence discharged into the castle andtown by wooden pipes, was constructed in 1653. Proposalshave been made at different times to substitute iron pipes,but the wooden ones still remain—a cause of constant expenseto the government.

The burning of the palace at Miako, or of that at Yedo,is one of the most common occurrences in these annals.Titsingh gives a vivid description of a conflagration whichoccurred in 1788 in Miako, during which the attendants ofthe Emperor killed more than a thousand persons before hecould be carried out of danger.

The government in Japan reserves the privilege of sellingweights and scales guaranteed by mark and certified ascorrect. The weights as now used were settled in 1662.

In 1666 a new edict was issued against the Roman Catholicreligion; and in 1668 an order was promulgated prohibitingany new Buddhist temples being erected. In allprobability the Buddhist priesthood had been exalted bytheir victory over the Roman priesthood, and had againacquired so much power as to be once more threatening todisturb the equilibrium of the state. The zeal of individualshad perhaps been again endowing new and enriching oldestablishments, actuated by feelings with which the statepowers did not wish to sympathize. Only four years beforethis edict, the enormous copper idol of Buddha at Miako hadbeen melted down and coined into copper “cash,” and awooden figure was substituted. If it be true, as is asserted,that it was three or four times the size of the figure of Daiboods, near Kamakura (at present existing in copper, andupward of forty-five feet in height), it must have been ofconsiderable value in coin.

This edict against the erection of new temples is still inforce in Japan, and while it is aided by a growing want ofzeal in the hearts of the people, with a contempt for the[302]priesthood, it may be broken through by the permissiongiven to repair, or restore, or enlarge any temple alreadyexisting, however small it may be; and as a temple orshrine is standing upon nearly every knoll or eminence inJapan, there can be no difficulty, were the funds forthcoming,of raising such edifices as were raised of old by the zealof fervent worshipers.

The Buddhist priesthood in 1720, by a great religiousfestival all over the empire, commemorated the eleventhcentenary of the establishment of Buddhism.

The Japanese claim the discovery and settlement of theBonin or Monin Islands in the year 1683. The name means“no men,” or uninhabited. Attempts were made to colonizethe islands, but they seem to have failed; and someEnglish and Americans, with Sandwich Islanders, male andfemale, succeeded them. But in 1862 the Japanese governmentfitted out a vessel and carried away all these adventurers,bringing them to Yokohama, and it seems to findthe islands a convenient distance to which they can sendvessels to train officers and men.

A work was commenced in 1786 which was expected tohave proved of great advantage to Yedo. This was the cuttingof a canal, and thereby joining several already existingchannels, by which a through communication would havebeen opened up between Yedo, or the Bay of Yedo, and thePacific Ocean on the east coast. The part of the provinceof Simosa between Yedo and the east coast is very low land,and it is generally believed that at one time the sea cut offthe three provinces of Simosa, Kadsusa, and Awa, whichthen constituted a separate island; and that the detritusbrought down, after a course of nearly two hundred miles,by the largest river in Japan, the Tonay, has filled up withalluvium the sea channel, leaving now only the passage forthe fresh water of the river. In the course of the filling up,however, a large lake was left, the Een bang numa. Abouttwenty miles above Yedo, the Tonay, coming down as oneriver from the Tonay district, divides into two. The one[303]branch, receiving affluents from Hitatsi and the northernprovinces, runs due east as the Bando taro, or “eldest sonof Bando,” and enters the sea between Choshi and Itaku onthe east coast. The other branch, running south, enters thesea to the east of the city of Yedo. The Okawa, or GreatRiver, runs parallel with the Tonay, and passes throughYedo spanned by five bridges. Between the Okawa andTonay, and running parallel to, and communicating bycanals with both, is the Nakagawa or Middle River. Bythese cross canal communications the passage may be madefrom Yedo to the Pacific on the east, or to the northernprovinces by running up to Seki Yedo, where the bifurcationtakes place. It was proposed to deepen the lake, andcut through a passage from it into the Bay of Yedo.—Thelower part of Yedo is so low that it is liable to be overflowedshould the Tonay rise above its banks. To avert thisdanger, a large and important embankment, the Gongen do,has been made at Koori hashi. Should this give way, thewhole of the lower parts of Yedo would be submerged, ashappened, it is said, in 1844.

The town of Sakura first started the project, and commenceda canal, but did not finish the work. The Shiogoon,seeing the advantages of the proposed cut, ordered the Daimiosto cut the remainder of this canal (of about fourteenmiles in length), each cutting as his share about 360 feet.The work, which was immediately commenced, was in sixmonths half completed, when orders were given to ceaseworking at it. In 1843 the work was recommenced byorders of government, but when it was within three thousandyards of being finished it was again stopped, and itcontinues in that position to this day.

The river and canal communications in Japan are moreramified than the mountainous nature of the country wouldlead one to expect. It is said that Yedo might, by shortcanals, be put into water relations with Mito on the eastcoast and Negata on the north, as boats can go up the Tonayto Shimidzu, within eight miles of the navigable part of the[304]Negata waters; while Miako might be joined by water toTsurunga on the north and Owarri on the south. By privateenterprise, in the year 1832, the Yodo ngawa betweenMiako and Osaka was deepened and improved by the removalof some rocks. It is said that the Katsura gawa, orHozu kawa, now a large affluent of the Yodo gawa, formerlyran to the north through the province of Wakasa; but a privateindividual, Yodo yo, cut a channel by which this rivernow flows southward into the Osaka River. His family ispermitted to levy tolls upon the new channel.

The occurrence of fearful convulsions of nature is one ofthe most remarkable circumstances in these annals; and itmay be presumed that only the most severe are noticed.But recent observations go to show that almost every daythere is an observable motion of the earth at Yokohamafrom subterranean causes. The native accounts of these,with drawings, give an appalling idea of the suddennessand the severity of earthquakes. In the year 1707 a verysevere earthquake shook the whole of the southern part ofthe island of Nippon, and simultaneously from the side ofthe mountain Fusiyama [Fusi—literally “not two,” or nonesuch] issued an eruption of volcanic matter. This eruptioncontinued for fifteen days; and at Yedo, a distance of seventymiles, dust fell to the depth of two feet. Fusiyamahad not given any appearance of volcanic action for centuries.The projection on the smooth outline of the hill onthe northwestern side marks the place where this action tookplace, and is known as Ho yay zan. At the same time thevolcano Assama yama, in Sinano, broke out into violent action,by which the two adjacent provinces were laid underlava or dust. The same mountain broke out again in 1783,and of the destruction done at that time Titsingh gives afearful account. He gives details of an earthquake whichoccurred in 1793 at Simabara, during which a large portionof the mountain was swallowed up; and the boilingsulphurous springs of Onzen, memorable during thepersecutions of the Christians, were dried up. The fear[305]of the inhabitants was quickened by the recollection of theeruption of Assama yama, in Sinano, only ten years before.The inhabitants, with their houses, were engulfed in theopenings of the earth; they were carried away by boilingwater issuing from the hill; they were killed by fallingstones and enormous rocks; they were surrounded andburned by streams of fiery lava; they were drowned bythe stoppage of rivers. Some were found suspended fromtrees, some on their knees, some on their heads in mud, thestreets strewed with dead bodies. The falling houses immediatelytook fire, and the unfortunate inmates were burned,or were confined prisoners. The outline of the coast wascompletely altered, and the country converted into a desert.A number of vessels were sunk at their anchors, and thosewhich tried to get away could hardly do so from dead bodiesand floating wood. Fifty-three thousand are known to haveperished in this earthquake in a comparatively thinly populateddistrict.

In 1828 a tremendous earthquake and volcanic eruptiontook place in the province of Etsingo, during which, atNadatchi, a large mountain was engulfed and disappeared.This province seems to be entirely undermined by fire.The volcano Taka yama is called the entrance to hell. Oilsprings from the ground. Combustible gas issues in suchquantity as to be used for cooking and lighting, by simplyinserting pipes in the ground. Phosphorescent appearancesare seen in many parts. Soda is found in the province inlarge quantities. Here many flint arrow and spear headshave been found, exactly similar in shape to those foundin Europe.

The frequency of these earthquakes is a reason for nearlyall the habitations of man being built of wood; and by longexperience builders have arrived at certain modes of building,by which the great danger of a house coming downupon the inmates is in many cases obviated. They seem todepend upon the roof for weight; and the piles upon whichthis heavy roof rests are not fixed firmly into the ground,[306]but some of them are fixed slightly into a square frameworkof wood, laid on stone, while the others stand simply eachupon the surface of a large, round, hard, water-rolled stone,which has been firmly imbedded in broken-down sandstone.By this means the snap of a sudden shock is avoided, andsome slight motion is allowed. Whatever be the principleupon which these houses are erected, it is wonderful to seebuildings, which seem to be put up in a shape the most readyto topple over upon the least motion, withstand the shocksof earthquakes for ages. There are pagodas in many parts ofthe country of seven and even nine stories high. At Kamakurais a temple with a narrow circular neck, above whichthe eaves of a square roof project to about ten feet on everyside, resembling the projection of a Chinaman’s hat. If itcould withstand the wind, it could never be expected to resistan earthquake; and yet it is said to be two hundred yearsold, and seems as sound as when it was built.

The annals do not disdain to mention the visits of theEmperor to witness theatrical exhibitions, or proceedings ofthe Shiogoon in quest of sport.

The Japanese appear to be very partial to the theater,and there seems in the nation an innate aptitude for suchrepresentation. But while the government regulates this,as it does every other branch of the amusements as well asthe education of the people, actors as a class are looked uponas the lowest in the scale of society. The female parts aregenerally taken by boys.

Some companies go about the country composed entirelyof boys or young children, none of whom are apparentlyupward of ten or twelve years of age. The people enjoythese very much, and will take their meals and sit all daywatching the different acts, applauding vigorously at whateverthey appreciate in acting, or what may amuse them inthe play. Nothing seems to excite their feelings and evoketheir applause more than a well-acted suicide by stabbing theabdomen. During the evenings many minor places of amusementare open, such as jugglers, marionettes, and tellers of[307]stories. Wrestling by professionals is another spectaclewhich always draws a very large concourse of spectators,generally male; but women are on occasions to be seen viewingthe maneuvers of the contest with the greatest interest.These spectacles have been well, though perhaps over,described by Commodore Perry. Besides these full-grownwrestlers, companies go about, having under tuition boys offrom eight to twelve years of age, who wrestle with all thepomp and circumstance of their full-grown compeers. Thesame laws regulate the game under the formal umpire. Asuccessful wrestler is hailed with loud applause; and underthe influence of the excitement of the moment, money is frequentlythrown to the conqueror, or for want of it men willthrow their coats or napkins, which they afterward redeem.

The long peace subsequent to the time of Iyeyas, thoughunbroken by any national disturbance, was not wholly freefrom local events, which might, had they been fanned, havebroken out in serious trouble. In 1837, Osaka and the neighborhoodwere disturbed by a rising which was instigated byan officer, Oshiwo, who, by the distribution of money and byplacards, excited the people of the city against the authorities.During the riot, which may be said to have lastedonly one day, nearly all the principal shops in Osaka werepillaged and burned. The ringleader escaped, but was afterwarddiscovered, though he blew up the house in which hewas hiding before he could be arrested. Notwithstandingthat the government exercises such surveillance over thepeople, and that one-fourth of the community seem to bespies upon the remainder, risings of the people do occasionallytake place. These riots are especially frequent in theprovinces of Oomi, Sinano, and Kahi. In the latter, during1838, a rebellion broke out which threatened to be somewhatmore formidable than usual. Several high officers and manymen on both sides were killed. In truth, in the province ofKahi (or Koshiu) the people are great politicians and unruly,and at the same time under some sort of volunteer organization.Officers are in general somewhat afraid of an appointment[308]to the province, as the farmers are wealthy, and keeptheir servants well supplied with arms, which they teachthem how to use. A strong force is always kept at Hatchioji,twenty-five miles from Yokohama on the road to Koshiu,as a protection to Yedo.

In the year 1701 an occurrence took place which terminatedin a tragedy, and has ever since been one of the nationaltales of revenge, which, though it was confined to afew individuals, has conferred on them immortality, and theadmiration of their countrymen as heroes. Assano, a Daimiofrom Ako, in the province of Harima, while within the precinctsof the Shiogoon’s palace, was insulted by a Kokay ofthe name of Kira, when a quarrel and scuffle took place,during which Assano drew his sword. This was lookedupon as such a heinous offense that he was ordered to killhimself, when the government confiscated his property, reducinghis family and retainers to poverty. The retainers(known as Geeshi), exasperated by this severity, bandedtogether for revenge, and forty-seven proceeded to the houseof Kira, when a fight commenced, which was carried onduring the whole night till the morning, by which time theywere able to penetrate to his apartment and kill him. Thewhole forty-seven then proceeded in a regular and methodicalmanner to commit suicide. They are all buried at thetemple of Sengakuji, near the temple first occupied by theBritish Legation.

In 1672 the powerful Lord of Sendai was put to death byhis own servants. He also is memorable in Japanese story,but more on account of his baseness and cruelty, which heshowed by a trait of character often chosen as a subject bynative artists. Being a man given up to debauchery andthe gratification of his passions, he became enamored ofTakawo, the most beautiful courtesan of Yedo at the time.He wished her to accompany him to his castle in the north,but she refused. She had an aversion to him, but the offerof her weight in gold probably prevailed with her, or withthose in whose possession she was, to give consent. He took[309]her with him, and on the way to his castle, upon asking herif she was not happy, she replied that she was not, when ina rage he drew his sword and cut off her head.

The occasions upon which European vessels communicatedwith Japan during the seventeenth and eighteenthcenturies seem to have been few, and at long intervals.About 1637, Lord Waddell, with some ships, called in atNagasaki, but was not allowed to communicate with theDutch.

In 1673, 1768, 1791, 1793, 1796 and 1803, notices occur inthe native annals of the visits of foreign vessels.

In 1808, the “Phaeton” frigate, under Captain Pellew,paid a visit to Nagasaki during the time when Holland wasat war with England. According to native accounts, thecaptain wished to carry off the Dutch commissioner. Forthat purpose he landed his men (in a boat made of leather?),who displayed the usual playful habits of English sailors ina foreign town, “striking everybody, and breaking everythingthey could.” The Prince of Hizen was not on thespot; the governor of Nagasaki was quite unprepared; thePrince’s lieutenant proposed to burn the frigate by means offire-boats, but the frigate sailed before any steps could betaken. The governor of the town, the Prince of Hizen, hislieutenant and the guards, are all said, by native accounts,to have committed suicide.

In 1813, during the time when Holland was absorbed byFrance, Sir Stamford Raffles sent a vessel from Java with aDutch officer to take the place of the representative of Hollandthen at Nagasaki; but the man in possession was ableto prevent his opponent landing, and held the place till hewas relieved in 1817.

In 1829, the “Cyprus,” a vessel containing some convictswho had risen and murdered the crew, touched at Tanega.The “Morrison,” which communicated with Japan shortlyafter, heard of some foreigners who had landed on the islandof Tanega and forcibly carried off cattle.

In 1846, American vessels came to Nagasaki to beg permission[310]to trade, and in 1849 some English vessels touchedat Uranga.

The native record of events concludes by stating that in1858 treaties were concluded with five nations—American,English, Dutch, Russian, and Portuguese—and that silverboos were exchanged for dollars. That in 1859 the Regent,Ee Kamong no kami, was assassinated; and the followingyear was that year in the cycle in which, recurring once insixty years, it is permitted to women to ascend Fusiyama.

The history of the empire is now brought down to a veryimportant era, when relations with European nations areabout to be reopened, but, in comparison with her past experience,at a great disadvantage to Japan, in so far as shehad to meet foes greatly in advance of herself in the practicalapplication of scientific investigation to the art of war,and when she allowed herself further to be outwitted in thediplomacy of treaty-making. The wars and animosities ofEuropean powers had for a long time drawn them awayfrom the East and concentrated their attention nearer home;and the history of their withdrawal from the Eastern Seas isthat of the struggle among European nations for the supremacyof the sea.

The English retired from Japan as a field of trade aboutthe year 1623. The hatred of Holland to Spain and Portugalgave vigor to her efforts, and she drove their ships from theEast, and remained in possession of the field, such as it was.By driving away competitors, however, the Dutch underminedtheir own position, and deprived themselves of support,moral as well as physical, and fell gradually into aposition of contemptible dependence for the retention ofa worthless trade.

France appears to have made a feeble attempt, at thetime when Colbert was Minister, to open up a trade withJapan, under the advice probably of Francis Caron, whohad been Dutch commissioner at Nagasaki. In Chardin’sTravels may be seen a letter addressed to the envoy, givingmost minute instructions as to his conduct and treatment[311]of the Japanese. Some of these might even be read withbenefit by envoys of the present day. “You shall keep yourfinest clothes, and which you have never wore in Japan, asshall likewise those of your retainers, till you are broughtto court, and till the day of your audience. As soon as youshall arrive there, you shall cause your retinue to providethemselves with little leather pumps and slippers. The floorsof the houses are covered with tapestry in Japan, for whichreason you must put off your shoes when you enter them,and have some without quarters that you may quit themwith greater ease.”

The United States of America came late into the fieldin Japan, but it may be said that the national action towardJapan has had a wider cosmopolitan influence than anyother act since the Declaration of Independence.

The opening up of China, and the enormous trade whichfollowed in opium, silk, and treasure, caused by steam onthe one hand and the discovery of gold in California on theother, together with the rapid advance in steam itself, allcombined to force a traffic around Japan, and to place theseislands on the very highway of commerce. It became everyday more obvious that from one side or other, either fromthe English on the side of China, from the Russians on thenorth, or from America on the east, some attempt must bemade before long to insist at least upon some measures ofcivil behavior, if not of genuine hospitality, being shownto vessels which required assistance, or which might bewrecked upon the coasts of Japan.

In 1846 an attempt was made by the United States governmentto endeavor to break down, if possible, the systemof exclusion kept up by Japan by the dispatch of two vesselsof war, under Commodore Biddle, with the view of feelingthe way toward a better acquaintance with the country.The result was not satisfactory, the commodore having beengrossly and perhaps intentionally insulted.

Mr. Fillmore, the President of the United States, determinedto make another effort to break down the barrier, and[312]to make such a display as should show the Japanese that hewas to a certain extent in earnest, and at the same time preventany recurrence of such conduct toward his envoy. Itis needless to discuss whether the Dutch or the Russians hadany claim to priority of action in the matter. CommodorePerry has endeavored to overthrow any such claims; butsuch great political steps are seldom the result of a suddenoutburst of vigor—it was gradually approached from allsides. It was, as has been said, one of the effects of thegreat innovator, steam, with other concurring circumstances,such as the opening of China and California, and the conversionof the Pacific Ocean into a highway of commerce.The breaking-up by British troops of the sham of the Chineseas a military nation, no doubt opened the eyes of Westernnations. Japan lay in the way. No nation had a betterclaim to ask it to relax its restrictions upon friendly groundsthan America. No nation was, perhaps, better suited tocarry out the diplomatic part of such a proposal, whether thecharacter of its officers as individuals, or the generally peacefulprofessions on the part of the government, be looked at.There can, further, be little doubt but that the United Statesgovernment was exceedingly fortunate or prudent in itschoice of the man for the work. He had some acquaintancewith Orientals learned in the school of China, and he broughtthis to bear practically upon his present work. He says hewas convinced that, if he receded from any point which hehad once gained, such would be considered as an advantagegained against him—that first-formed impressions amongsuch people carry most weight—that with people of forms itis necessary to out-Herod Herod in assumed personal ostentationand personal consequence—that a diplomatist oughtwith such persons never to recognize any personal superiority,and ought always to keep aloof from conversation orintercourse with inferiors, and yet cultivate as far as possiblea friendly disposition toward the people.

Commodore Perry left the President’s letter on July 8,1863, for the consideration of the Japanese government. He[313]returned in February, 1854, when the Japanese governmentreturned for answer that they had decided to accede to thepropositions of the President, and appointed five commissionersto treat with Perry. The treaty was signed atYokohama, and ratifications were exchanged in February,1855. Although the treaty was signed and the negotiationsbrought to a successful termination, this was not accomplishedwithout difficulty and even danger, as, according tonative accounts, a large force was collected on the hills overlookingYokohama, under the command of different Daimios.These forces occupied about fifteen miles of ground betweenFusisawa and Kawasaki to the number of a million of men(but numbers are indefinite in the East). They seem to havesuffered a good deal from sickness while lying there, andwere afterward the subjects of many jokes and caricatures.It was arranged that if any serious hitch took place, or anyappearance of force was exhibited on the part of the Americans,a large bell was to sound, and other bells were to takeup the signal, and a general combined attack was to bemade. Idzu no Daikang volunteered to kill Perry with hisown hand, so deeply does personal feeling enter into nationalquestions in Japan; but this he was ordered not to attempt.

In 1854, during the Crimean war, Sir James Stirling,then admiral on the China station, with H.M.S. “Winchester”and a squadron, anchored in Nagasaki with theobject of concluding a treaty with Japan. The last articleof the treaty was to the effect that “no high officer comingafter to Japan should ever have power to alter this treaty.”For this treaty the admiral received the thanks of the nationthrough the House of Commons. It may by some be thoughta mistake not to have stood upon the old treaty given toEngland by Iyeyas in the seventeenth century, which wouldhave been considered more binding upon the government andupon the empire than a treaty made when the position of theShiogoon was once more being questioned.

These treaties were a step forward, but had this step notbeen followed up they would soon have become inoperative.

[314]Mr. Townsend Harris was appointed consul for Americaat Simoda, and arrived there in 1856; and being in constantintercourse with the Japanese authorities, he concluded aconvention by which further advantages were gained by theAmericans. The Japanese government thought that if thefurther concessions brought no more trouble than what hadresulted from the little opening already made, they might,without much danger, open the sluices a little more; and in1858, Mr. Harris, after much negotiation, arranged the articlesof a commercial treaty (based upon the treaties withChina), which was signed by him and the Japanese commissionersupon July 29, 1858. After this was settled, Holland,Britain, Russia, and France concluded similar treaties.

The sound of the trumpets which had been blown toherald the approach of the American squadron to the shoresof Japan had reached those shores long before the vesselsthemselves. The government was informed through theDutch of the coming mission. The American governmentdoes not seem to have intended anything further than ostentatiousdisplay in the number and size of the vessels sent.They did not propose to follow up a refusal to open theirdoors, on the part of the Japanese, by any warlike operations.But the Japanese government does not appear tohave been aware of this, and at the time they may have feltsome doubts as to whether their late treatment of foreignersdid not call for some display of power on the part of Europeannations. Commodore Biddle had been grossly insultedon board a vessel of war. The crew of one vessel had beenvery unkindly treated, and, according to native report, morethan one vessel had recently been wrecked on the coasts ofJapan, and the crews treated with severity until they diedout. Until the squadron should arrive, the Japanese couldtake little or no action. But they waited with much anxietythe arrival of the expedition. It was considered as a mostimportant event, fraught with much either of good or evil tothe country—which was it to be?

There is a pamphlet, published in Yedo, which professes[315]to give some account of the doings in Japan at this time,and which is interesting as showing the internal state ofJapan at this most critical time in her history, and the feelingswith which the proposed opening of the country wasviewed by different political parties. The views of the Emperorare set forth; the daring acts of the Regent in supportof his own position; the intrigues set on foot against him,ending in his assassination, and the subsequent train ofevents which followed thereon, and which have led to theoverthrow of the Shiogoon’s position and the restoration ofthe Emperor to the power originally held in the imperialhands. The letters may appear to be tedious, but they showthe working of the government more clearly perhaps than asimple description would do. The country was threatenedwith internal disturbance, and there were two parties dividedupon the point of a successor to the Shiogoon, who wasweakly in mind and body—worn out and epileptic. Asleader of the one party was Ee Kamong no kami, the headof the Fudai Daimios, and having a certain right to be appointedRegent in case of necessity. He seems to have beena clever, bold man, to Western ideas unscrupulous in themeans by which he attained his ends. At the head of theother party was Mito, one of the “three families,” hereditaryvice-Shiogoon in Yedo, and connected by marriage with thefamilies of the Emperor and the highest Koongays in Miako,and with the wealthiest Daimios—a shrewd, clever, schemingold man. What follows must be considered a mereimperfect sketch of what the pamphlet contains.

The name of the pamphlet is a play upon the name Mito,meaning Water-door—Midzu Kara Kori. “Water machinesmake,” or “A machine made at Mito.” The Regent (whosename, Ee, means “a well”) wished to take out, as with abucket, the water in the well and divide it—i.e., to breakdown the power of Mito.

The pamphlet commences by stating by way of “contents”that the Regent sent Manabay Simosa no kami toMiako to seize Takatskasa, the highest officer of the empire,[316]the Kwanbakku and his son Daifu dono, and Awata, a youngrelative of the Emperor, and at the time the head of theBuddhists—and that these high officers were all put intoconfinement, and that all this trouble had its origin at Mito.The source of the Tokungawa—i.e., the line of Iyeyas, orthe government by the family of Iyeyas—is very clear, butthis work will show how Mito tried to make it impure. Thebook was published in the spring of 1860. The name of theauthor is “Every one drunk.”

The anticipated arrival of the United States squadron wasagitating the rulers of Japan, and parties were divided as tothe reception which should be given it. There was probablysome political source of discord besides this, connected moreor less with the office of Shiogoon, which had fallen into thehands of an epileptic imbecile. It would appear that in 1854letters were sent to all the Daimios and Ometskis, requiringthem to give their opinions as to the reception which shouldbe given to the squadron, and whether the Americans shouldbe repelled by force, or whether a trial should be made of alimited intercourse with foreigners, under the impression thatif it was not found to work satisfactorily the ports mightagain be closed, and the country might return to its old stateof seclusion. The answers sent showed that they weredivided into a large majority for repelling them, by forceof arms if necessary, and a small minority who were foradmitting foreigners to trade. All agreed that it was aquestion of peace or war, but many thought that whetherit was to be the one or the other, no answer should be sentuntil time was obtained to put the shores and batteries intoa state of defense. At present, they alleged, the coasts wereweak and defenseless, and “if Japan does not conquer it willbe a great disgrace, and the country will be defiled. But,high and low, all must be unanimous.” In the first place,it must be ascertained how many men each Daimio can muster,and the strength of each in guns, ammunition, etc. In1854, in the tenth month, the Ometskis sent letters to all theDaimios to obtain information on this head.

[317]In 1855, in the 9th month, the Shiogoon sent a commissionto Mito, ordering him to put all the coasts of the countryinto a defensible condition. The care of the forts along theshore was to be committed to Mito. The forts and gunswere to be examined. The Shiogoon wrote—“You havehitherto come to me three times every month, now I wishyou to report to me every second day what is doing.”

From published documents, it appears by the Emperor’sown letter, 22d day of the 2d month, 1858, in corroborationof what is stated in the pamphlet quoted, “that this matterwas discussed before him by the Kwanbakku (Koozio dono),the Taiko, or previous Kwanbakku (Takatskasa),[9] and theTenso. It appears that the old Taiko pleaded as an excusethat he was unwell, but as the Mikado sent several times tocommand his attendance, he was obliged to come. At theconference the Taiko expressed an opinion contrary to thatof the others, which had been given in favor of the courseadvocated by the Shiogoon. The Mikado was very angry”(with these others), “and it was with difficulty the Kwanbakkusucceeded in pacifying him. On the 23d a documentbearing the refusal of the Mikado to the treaty was writtenout. Then three officers went to the residence of Hotta, theShiogoon’s first Minister of Foreign Affairs and Envoy toMiako, to obtain the Mikado’s consent to the Americantreaty, and informed him of the document hereunder. Themessengers sent by (to?) the Mikado were afflicted, and shedtears because they did not succeed.”

The Mikado wrote to the Shiogoon: “23d, 2d mo., 1858.—Itis difficult for us to grant you the approval you ask” (tothe treaties). “For the honor of the name of the first Mikadoit is impossible to agree to it.

“It is our duty to take care to tranquilize the minds ofour people.

“The Shiogoon should gather every one’s opinion, from[318]the three great houses to the humblest subject, and give methe result in writing.

“If it is necessary to ... conclude these treaties” (i.e.,if it is impossible to go back from what has been done),“exception must be made of the country in the neighborhoodof my imperial city, as we have already directed in our letter,24th of the 12th month. [The opening of] Hiogo in Sitsumust be excepted if possible.

“The Mikado often considers that he is not safe in hispalace at Miako, and he directs the Shiogoon to appoint somepowerful Daimios to protect the imperial palace.

“You have thought it well to open the ports to foreigners,but you did not think that foreigners would entangle youwith difficulties.

“We would know your opinion in this respect.”

This was evidently considered a refusal on the part of theEmperor to accede to the conclusion of a treaty. There isnot much appearance of what is by a commentator called“puppetism” in the position of the Emperor when he, standinghere almost alone in his council of bribed and intriguingofficers, who were all in the pay of the Regent at Yedo, stillmanfully keeps them all at bay, and, assisted only by hisfaithful old minister the Taiko, whose attendance he isobliged to command, refuses to accede to the course of expediencypressed upon him by such meanness. He not onlyrefuses, but he warns them from his lofty position of the pitwhich he foresees they are digging for themselves. TheTaiko, probably for his conduct and words at this meeting,was put by the Regent in confinement in his own house, andwas only released after the fall of this minister.

Then follows a document, a “Circular from the Shiogoon,the 6th month of 1858, by Kooze yamato no kami.

“The Mikado having been consulted by the Shiogoon’sgovernment about the making of treaties with foreigners, heanswered that the conclusion of that matter would distresshim very much.

“Thereupon the Shiogoon requested all to send their[319]written opinion upon the subject. Only a short time wasrequired to gather every one’s opinion; but, in the meantime,some Russian and American men-of-war came here,bringing the news that in a short time English and Frenchmen-of-war would arrive here; that these two nations hadfought and won many battles in China; that they wouldcome here in the same warlike spirit, and it would be difficultfor us to negotiate with them. The American embassadoroffered to us, that if we would make a temporarytreaty with him, as soon as we should have signed andgiven him that treaty he would act as mediator betweenus and the French and English, and could save us fromall difficulties.

“It was impossible for us to comply with this withoutconsultation with the Mikado. However, Inoe Sinano nokami, fearing the immediate assault (or breaking out of awar), the results of which might be the same as in China,signed themselves, as men authorized to sign [this expressionis somewhat suspicious], the American treaty atKanagawa, which treaty was given up to the Americanembassador.

“Necessity compelled the Japanese to do this.

“The Mikado, on hearing of this, was much troubled, butto reassure him we told him we would fortify our shores.”

Then further follows a document written by several ofthe Koongays in Miako:

“At this time there are great changes taking place in ourholy country in respect to foreigners. However, it is not forus ignorant people to judge, and for that reason we latelywrote twice to the Mikado. We hoped that he would considerthe subject.

“We write to him once more. Since the time of Tensiodai jin the country has been to the present time sublime andflourishing; but friendship with foreigners will be a stainupon it, and an insult to the first Mikado (Zinmu). It willbe an everlasting shame for the country to be afraid of thoseforeigners, and for us to bear patiently their arbitrary and[320]rough manners; and the time will come when we shall besubservient to them. This is the fault of the dynasty of theShiogoon. It is reported that the Shiogoon has sent to Miakoto consult the Mikado about the treaties, but it is impossibleto believe it. Hotta will return to Yedo and say that theMikado has consented to give him a secret authorization,and he will thus induce the other Daimios to follow theparty of the Shiogoon. The Shiogoon thus disturbs peace.If foreigners come to our country they will loudly proclaimthe mutual benefits that trade will produce, but at homethey will think only of vile profit; and when we shall refuseto comply with all their wishes, they will threaten uswith their artillery and men-of-war. They intend to takeJapan, and to effect this will resort to any kind of deepscheme in their negotiations. It is earnestly wished thatthe Mikado order that the Daimios from the ‘three families’to the lowest give their vote upon the subject.” TheDaimios gave their vote, and they were generally in favorof exclusion of foreign nations, and of adhering to theirold way.

In 1857, on the 28th day of the 12th month, Hino cameto Yedo from Miako, as bearer of a letter from the Emperoraddressed to the Shiogoon.

“Your duty is to act as Shiogoon; and yet you, being Sei dai Shiogoon [barbarian-quelling commander-in-chief], areunable to perform your duties. You ought to know whatthe duties of that office are, and yet our foreign enemies(eeteki) you are unable to punish. You have many highofficers with you, and this matter is one of the utmost importance;therefore I wish you to come as soon as you canto Miako. If you are unable to come on account of the businessof the empire, then you must dispatch some able andexperienced officers, that I may hear myself what is doing.At the present moment all Daimio, Shomio and Shonin (people)are in perplexity. Why is this? It is because the businessof the Shiogoon office does not go straight. On thisaccount I have every day great trouble, and therefore I[321]have commanded Koojio Kwanbakku to send Hino, and tocommunicate orally with you.”

(This letter is supposed by some not to have been writtenby the Emperor, but to have been a forgery by the Kokushiu and higher Daimios.)

Mito, in 1855, had been very active and serviceable intelling the other Daimios that it was all very well to talkof fighting, but that they must first know what means theyhad. He had been appointed to look after the defenses ofthe empire. It may be presumed that the more powerfulof the opposite party were annoyed with his obtaining thisappointment, and with showing them their weaknesses, andhad cabaled against him under the headship of Ee Kamongno kami.

On the 29th day of the 12th month of 1857, the letterwas given by Hino to the Shiogoon; and the same night ameeting of all Daimios was held in the Siro jo in, a largehall in the castle of Yedo. The deliberations were not overtill two o’clock in the morning of the 30th.

In 1858, on the 23d day of the 4th month, Ee Kamong nokami was appointed Regent (Gotairo). He was a Sho shoor major-general, and had been brought up while a boy asa Buddhist priest. Probably by this time the Shiogoon wasbecome quite imbecile, and it became necessary to appoint aregent. Ee, being of an age and capacity fit for the situation,had the first claim. He seems to have all along takena course opposed to Mito, probably arising out of attemptsto obtain this office; and as Mito was strenuously opposed tothe admission of foreigners, Ee took the opposite side, anddeclared for the new state of things.

On the 6th day of the 7th month a communication wasmade to Owarri, the first of the “three families,” to theeffect that “the Shiogoon regrets to have to notice the conductof Owarri, and that he cannot longer hold friendlycommunication with him. It is the will of the Shiogoonthat Owarri in future shall confine himself to his house atToyama in Yedo, and abstain from official business, and[322]that he shall not speak to any one. That, further, all histerritories shall be confiscated, and they are handed overto his relative, Matzdaira Setsu no kami,” who was thena child.

To Mito a somewhat similar communication was made,and ordering him to confine himself in his house at Koma(ngome near Oji).

These commands, dictated by the Regent, were forthwithcarried into execution. The smaller Ometski were appointedto see that such sentences were carried out. One result wasthat a great number of the poorer retainers of these chiefswere thrown on the country as “floating men,” or Ronins,with their two swords to gain themselves a livelihood.

To Hongo Tango no kami, member of the Wakatoshiyori, a similar letter was sent, and he was deprived of thehalf of his territory and confined to his house.

In addition to these, Ishikawa Tosa no kami was finedthe half of his territory, and a doctor to the Shiogoon, HokaRiki, was turned out of his office and all his property takenfrom him. But his son was presented with 250 piculs ofrice per annum, as he had shown himself on the side of theRegent.

(There is no mention in this work of similar treatmentbeing shown to the great lords, Satsuma, Tosa and Etsizen.)

On the 8th day of the 8th month, the name of Harutaka,son of Kii dainagoon, was changed to Iyay mutchi. This isthe boy whom the Regent and his party had put into theplace of power, the Shiogoon having been dead for sometime. It was given out that he was unwell, and the Regenthad been taking means to strengthen his position againstMito. Mito claimed the place for his own son, who hadbeen adopted by Stotsbashi, who was the third son of theninth Shiogoon. The youth who succeeded was the nearestheir, according to European ideas; and Mito’s claim had thedefect, that if adoption carried the full consequences whichhe wished it should, it militated against himself.

The 9th day of the 9th month was the day chosen for the[323]nominal death of the Shiogoon. Ee Kamong no kami wasmuch with the late Shiogoon before his death, and gave outthat he had ordered him to act as Regent during the youngman’s minority.

Manabay Simosa no kami, one of the Cabinet, was sentby the Regent to carry out his schemes in Miako. He returnedin the 12th month, and a few days after his returnabdicated his honors and his territory.

Hotta, who had acted as envoy from the Regent to Miako,was degraded. On the 26th day of the 11th month, the twohighest officers, Koo jio dono the Kwanbakku, and Ni jiodono Nai dai jin, came to Yedo as envoys from the Emperor.

On the 1st day of the 12th month the title of “Se i daiShiogoon” was conferred on Se i sho sama Iyaymutchi bythe Emperor, by the hands of two chokushi or envoys. TheEmpress also sent an envoy to the Shiogoon to complimenthim upon his obtaining the title, and perhaps also to lay thefirst proposal as to his marrying the Emperor’s youngersister Kadsumia.

During the 12th month, Manabay went down to Miakowith orders to Ishigaya Inaba no kami, one of the governorsof Miako, to seize the following persons: Ee kai kitchi,the gentleman in charge of Mito’s house in Miako, and hisson; three gentlemen, retainers in the service of the KwanbakkuTakatskasa dono, and the son of one of them, and ateacher of Chinese in Miako; Matzdaira Tanba no kami, aDaimio, related by marriage to Satsuma. His territory wastaken from him and given to a child (Matzdaira Toki noskay). This child’s followers were, after the Regent’s death,put in charge of the British Legation at Tozenji; also a retainerof this Daimio and his secretary. These were allseized by order of the Regent, and sent to Yedo for trialbefore the Jeesha boonyo, the judges in the Hio jo sho.

In the 1st month of the following year—i.e., about March,1859—several of the gentlemen about the court in the serviceof the members of the imperial family and others of veryhigh rank were arrested. Three of these were retainers of[324]Sanjio dono, of Arisungawa mia, and of Saiwonji dono respectively.Two retainers of the nephew of the Emperor,the Buddhist high-priest and the secretary of the Kwanbakku,were ordered to be sent up to Yedo. Within twomonths after this, seven high Koongays and four ladies,with seventeen more of the persons about the court, wereall sent to Yedo by orders of Ee Kamong no kami.

In 1859, on the 2d day, 2d month, Itakura Suwo nokami, one of the Jeesha boonyo (temple lords acting asjudges) was degraded. His crime was, that, being judgein rotation in the Hio jo sho in Yedo when these prisonerswere brought before him, he would not bring them in guiltyof anything, as he did not fear the Regent, and he had beenrequested secretly by the Emperor not to gratify him. Atthe same time Tsuchiya, governor of Osaka, was degradedand removed. He was an illegitimate son of Mito.

In the year 1858, before these strong measures had beentaken by the Regent, Mito had written to the Emperor in the8th month to the following effect: “Your revenue is notlarge enough, which is the cause of much sorrow to me.Permit me to present you with a few kobangs; and if it isin your power, please give to the Kwanbakku Koozio donosome additional land, and all the Koongays and those aboutthe court who have titles [I give?] 20,000 kobangs amongthem; and as Hirohashi is very diligent and able, I presenthim with silver.”

It may be presumed that with the system of espionage soperfected as it is in Japan, the Regent would soon find outthat Mito was intriguing at Miako, and probably got a copyof this letter before he gave orders to seize the persons abovenamed, who were all implicated in these intrigues againsthim.

In the year 1858, in the 8th month, the Shiogoon (or theRegent more truly) sent three Daimios as envoys to Mito,with a letter to the following effect:

“You, Mito, formerly were anxious to assist Japan in hertroubles, and your reasons for so doing were very good. But[325]the Shiogoon does not approve of your recent conduct.”(Mito had written to the Emperor, with whom he was connectedby marriage, to complain of the boy from the Kiifamily having been made Shiogoon, on the ground of hisbeing too young for the office, but in reality to get his ownson appointed by the Emperor to the place.) “You havespoken to the Emperor too much about the adopted son ofKii. Further, you have sent letters to the Koongays andmembers of the imperial family to gain them over to yourviews; and you, a man of rank, have not scrupled to uselow men [Ronins] to carry letters to Miako, inveighingagainst the government of Yedo. From these acts of yoursgreat confusion has arisen. The Emperor has written a letterto the Shiogoon, and low men have been used as thebearers [? to insult the Yedo government]. You have triedto stir up a quarrel between the Emperor and the Kubosama,and have excited discord among the Koongays. It is a mostimproper thing for you thus to be acting behind our back,and in the dark.” (Mito had sent many letters to the FudaiDaimios and Yakonins to gain them over to the side of Stotsbashi.)“You must suffer a severe punishment. But as itis now the time of Hoji” (i.e., the canonization of the lateShiogoon), “we are willing to view your crime with leniency.Your punishment is, that you be henceforth imprisonedin your room [cheekio]. This letter I intrust to thecare of your son, to be delivered to you.”

At the same time a letter was sent to Mito’s son andheir, of tenor as follows:

“Your father has been carrying on secret intrigues atMiako. He has sent many of his servants there upon highlyimportant missions. But all his intrigues have been againstthe Shiogoon secretly, and, as it were, behind his back. Theways of father and son” (i.e., the son cannot help what hisfather does) “are different, but I think you may follow abetter way than your father. If you have no better way,you must send guards to keep your father, and preventhis carrying on these intrigues. The crime of putting[326]himself in opposition to the Shiogoon is very great, andmerits severe punishment. But you side with your father,and it is natural for you to do so from filial obedience. Butfor this crime your father must be removed from his positionand territory.”

On the 27th day of the 8th month a letter was sent to theprincipal one of the retainers, the Karo, or minister of Mito.“Your master has been engaged in very dangerous schemesand intrigues, of which you were ignorant.” (Mito hadwritten a letter to say that all the Daimios gave themselvesup to trifling and debauchery.) “You were very foolish ifyou did not know of this business, and you ought on thataccount to be severely punished. But as Mito, your master,said that this business in which he was engaged was entirelyfor the good of the empire of Japan, and of the greatest consequence,your punishment shall be mitigated. In futureyou will take care to look into what your master is doing,and not cause the government of the Shiogoon so muchtrouble.

“In future, if you do cause trouble, you shall be severelypunished.”

It appeared that both parties were trying to gain over theKwanbakku by bribes—the Regent on the one hand, andMito on the other. This high officer was perplexed whichto side with, but he concealed all from the Emperor.

The Shiogoon commanded a letter to be written to Mito,to inform him that government was aware that many menhad come secretly to Yedo from Mito, and warning him ofwhat would be the consequence if any trouble should arise;and at the same time eight Daimios were appointed to guardthe approaches to the city.

At this time the Regent was maturing his plans, andhaving arrested many of the agents of Mito, brought thembefore the Hio jo sho and judges of Yedo. The personalenmity of the two was working for the opening up of thecountry to foreign trade.

Many persons, some of whom were connected with the[327]highest officers in Miako and Yedo, were arrested as beingengaged with Mito in intrigues. The head retainer of Mitowas kept in confinement, and was commanded to kill himselfin prison:[10] Eekai, the gentleman in charge of Mito’shouse in Miako, with his third son, the head chamberlain ofMito’s establishment, the gentleman in the service of the lateKwanbakku, the Chinese teacher, and a lady about the establishmentof Konoyay dono, in Miako, were brought beforethe judges in the Hio jio sho Hoki no kami, and the twocity magistrates, Ishingaya and Ikeda.[11] Of the prisoners, thefirst three were beheaded.

On the 8th month, 20th day, the following letter was sentto Nakayama Bizen no kami, who was a Hattamoto in theservice of government, resident at Mito’s castle to assist him(or to watch him). Officers with the same duties reside atthe castles of the other two Sankay, Owarri and Kii:

[328]“Your house is a very honorable one, and you are a manof talent and experience. You ought to attend more correctlyto do your duty. Now you have been neglectingyour duty, while Mito the elder has been intriguing at Miakoagainst me. You are ignorant of what is going on, andshow yourself to be very indolent. This is a harsh mode ofspeaking, but you are still very young. You are herebyordered to consider yourself under arrest, and remain aprisoner in your own room.”

Toki, a colonel of the Household Guards, was degradedfrom his rank, and his territory confiscated.

To the Sakuji boonyo, Iwase, and to the First Lord ofthe Admiralty, Nangai, it was ordered that their salarieswere to be stopped from that date.

The same punishment was inflicted upon Kawadsi, thekeeper of the West Castle. To the Kosho, his eldest grandson,it was written:

“Your grandfather has been guilty of opposing the government,and has been degraded and deprived of his territory,and ordered to confine himself to his room. Thereforeit is our will that you take possession of his territory, andalso of his office.”

It seems to have been the Regent’s policy always to putchildren in place of those men whom he displaced.

The other keeper of the West Castle was degraded, anddeprived both of his territory and office.

To Tayki no skay, commander of the vanguard of thearmy, son of Oodo, it was written: “Having examined intothe offense of your father, I have degraded him; but youare his adopted son, and therefore I give to you his territoryand house.”

Of other high officers some were beheaded, while otherswere ordered not to enter a town (Chu tsui ho); others wereimprisoned in their own houses (Oshi kome), or in prison;others were put in irons; others confined to one room for life(ay chikio); others were banished to small islands.

All the above, who were themselves persons of some rank,[329]and connected with the highest in the empire, were broughtto the Hio jo sho, in Yedo, and received their sentences fromthe temple lords sitting there.

To Hongo Tango no kami, at that time in the LowerCabinet, the Shiogoon wrote:

“Your conduct recently has been very improper. TheShiogoon has heard of this, and you deserve to be severelypunished; but I will be lenient, and only deprive you of5,000 koku of revenue, and degrade you.” (He had beenmade a Daimio, with 10,000 koku of revenue, by the previousShiogoon.) To his son the Shiogoon wrote as above, butadded: “I will now take the ground I took from your father,reducing him from a Daimio to a Hattamoto. Your fathermust stay in his house, and retire from public life, and giveover his lands and rank to you.”

To Ishikawa Tosa no kami a similar letter was written,depriving him of his honors and territory, which were givento his son.

The head of the Treasury, Sassaki Sinano no kami, wasdegraded.

Iyo no ske, a gentleman in the service of Mito, wastransported to Hatchi jio. His son, being only threeyears of age, is to be kept till he is fifteen, and thentransported also.

Two boys, aged four and two years, sons of Mito’s chamberlain,are to be expelled from towns when they arrive atfifteen years of age.

The Regent, after thus disposing of his enemies, proceeded,in the name of the Shiogoon, to reward his friends.

He wrote to Matzdaira Idzumi no kami, then the headof the Cabinet: “I approve of what you have done, and intestimony I give you twenty-five obangs. [An obang is alarge gold coin worth about thirty-five dollars.] You havebeen very diligent in a most difficult and important business.I am very much satisfied, and will change your territory;and as that you now possess is very poor, I will give youbetter.” (He also sent him a sword.)

[330]To the temple lord, Matzdaira Hoki no kami, were givena saddle and six dresses.

To the Owo metski Kowongai were given seven obangsand four dresses.

To the street governor of Yedo, Ikeda, were given sevenobangs and five dresses.

To the second street governor, Ishi ngaya, ten obangsand five dresses.

To the treasurer, five obangs and three dresses.

These men had acted as the judges in the Hio jo sho, andhad awarded the punishments to the accused. Itakura wasdegraded because he would not act as the tool of the Regentin executing his vengeance.

In a letter to these officers the Shiogoon expresses satisfactionwith the diligence shown by them, and on that accountrewards them, at the same time rewarding smallerofficers who have been similarly engaged, but without specifyingthem by name.

To Manabay, who had been formerly Prime Minister,and lately much engaged in ferreting out these intriguesfor the Regent, the Shiogoon wrote: “You are now not verystrong, and it will be perhaps better that you retire from theweight of public duty.”

The Regent and he had a difference as to whether he wasright in, or had the power of, punishing these men. TheRegent was anxious to get rid of him, but his argumentswere strong, and, besides, he was cognizant of all the secretsof the late coup d’etat, so that the Regent dared not take astronger step than simply advise him to withdraw.

The Regent must have been well aware that in actingas he was doing he was playing a dangerous game. He hadnot been afraid to enter the family of the Emperor himself.The servants of the highest Koongays had been arrested,and themselves insulted and degraded. He had degradedfive of the highest Daimios—Owarri, Mito, Satsuma, Tosa,and Etsizen—and had severely punished all of lower rankwho had in any way countenanced or assisted those opposed[331]to him. He had put his own protégé on the seat of theShiogoon, in opposition to Stotsbashi, the nominee of Mito.He now felt that he must retain the reins of power in hisown hands, as, if he yielded a jot, his enemies would overthrowhim, and take away his place and name. The onlything he had now to fear was secret enemies, who mightwreak their vengeance by poison or assassination.

The 3d day of the 3d month is a day when a great leveeis held at the castle in Yedo, all the Daimios on duty appearingin court dresses, with large retinues. At such times itis common for strangers to gather on the broad road oresplanade by the side of the castle moat, to watch the trainsof the Daimios going to and returning from court. Theyoften carry with them the small monthly list of officials inwhich the armorial bearings are given, by which the trainof each Daimio may be at once recognized. In the Daimios’quarter of the city the guards of the streets and cross streetsare the retainers of Daimios. The guard-houses are sometimesdivided into two when the guard is divided betweentwo neighboring Daimios. Upon days of levee such as thisstrangers are allowed to loiter about, and are not so readilynoticed as at other times.

At the south side of the castle of Yedo is the Soto Sakurada,or outer Cherry gate, opening from that part of the inclosurein which the residences of the Gorochiu are situated.At this gate the moat is crossed by a bridge which opensupon a wide graveled road—the Tatsu no kutchi—boundedon the one side by the moat, on the other by Daimios’ residences,and leading by a gentle ascent to the residence ofthe Regent, Ee Kamong no kami.

On the 3d day of the 3d month the Shiogoon was to holdthis levee, at which the Regent, now that he had put downhis enemies, would appear in the plenitude of his power asthe real ruler of Japan. He set out in his norimono towardthe Sakurada gate, which was at a short distance, and seenfrom the door of his own residence. He was surrounded byhis own retinue in white dresses. Suddenly a rush of men[332]was made at the train. The bearers set down the norimono.Men with drawn swords ordered him to come out. He expostulated.One fired a pistol through the chair, woundinghim in the back. He tried to crawl out, but his head wasimmediately cut off and carried away by the assassins.

The investigation which follows will show what tookplace.

On the 3d day of the 3d month (March 24, 1860) theGorochiu wrote to the commander of the guard kept byMatzdaira Segami no kami: “Why did you allow men indisguise, with small sleeves and drawn swords, to pass yourguard and loiter about the Tatsu no kutchi?” To this areply was given: “There was a heavy fall of snow at thetime. I noticed the men once, and they disappeared; but Iacknowledge my fault—I am much to blame in the matter.But what shall I do now? Shall I cut off my men’s heads?”

The same question was put to Matzdaira Daizen no daibu’s(Choshiu) guard, who kept the Sakurada gate. Heanswered: “This morning at nine o’clock many men passed,but whether they were porters or soldiers I cannot tell.Several passed with blood-stained swords in their hands.I was on the point of arresting them, but as there was muchsnow falling I could not see them distinctly, or where theywent to.”

The principal gentleman in the late Regent’s service,Kimatta Watari, wrote to the Gorochiu as follows: “Thismorning, while my master was on his way to the shiro topay his respects to the Shiogoon, an attack was made uponhis train. In the scuffle one man was killed, and the servantsof Ee brought the body to the house here.”

It is a general impression in Yedo that the servants, orsome of them, as well as the guards about, and even someof the Daimios living in the neighborhood, were cognizantof the attack about to be made. Some of them gave noassistance to their master.

The same day the Shiogoon sent two Katchi metsuki toEe Kamong no kami’s house to make inquiries.

[333]The servants of Sakkai oota no kami, guards of the Owotay, a large gate of the castle, wrote a similar letter to theabove. It is a common plan in Japan, even among Daimios,when an investigation is to be made in which many are concerned,for all to write similar letters, to prevent the governmentseizing one. They added: “One Ronin, betweentwenty-seven and twenty-eight years of age, cut his throat.He only had his sword-sheath when found, and no sword.We found one wounded by a shot, and seized him.”

At Tatsu no kutchi, the men at the cross-street guard-house,occupied by Tajima no kami and Sakkai oota nokami, said to the Gorochiu: “At about eight o’clock thismorning a man shot himself through the neck while holdinga man’s head in his hand. Immediately one of the guardsaid, ‘I will ask the man where he came from.’ He said hewas a servant of Satsuma. We sent for a surgeon, andhe is now under treatment.”

Ee Kamong no kami writes himself to the Shiogoon (notwithstandinghis having had his head removed several hoursprevious): “I proposed going to the levee at the palace, andwas on my way there, when near the Sakurada gate, andin front of the joint guard of Matzdaira Osumi no kamiand Ooyay Soongi, about twenty men were collected. Theybegan to fire pistols, and afterward with swords attacked mein my norimono. My servants thereupon resisted, and killedone of the men—the others ran off and escaped. I havingreceived several wounds, could not pay my intended visit tothe Shiogoon, and was obliged to return to my house, andnow I send the names of such of my servants as werewounded.”

Of these there were in all nineteen, of which numberseveral died.

Upon receiving intelligence of this attack, the Shiogoonsent to the Regent a present of ginseng root, and to inquiremore particularly as to his health and condition.

Upon the coats which were left by the assassins pieces ofpoetry had been worked with the needle; such as, “Let us[334]take and hoist the silken standard of Japan, and first go andfight the battles of the Emperor.” Upon another was thefollowing: “My corpse may dry up with the flowers of thecherry, but how can the spirit of Japan relax?”

The names of eighteen men are given who were engagedin the assassination of the Regent. Of these—

Arimura Jesayay mong, who is said to have been theactual perpetrator of the deed, was head servant of Satsuma.—Hisbrother is probably the man who assassinatedMr. Richardson in 1862.

Sanno take no ske, a servant of Mito.

Seito Kemmootz.

These three, with two others, are said to have died of thewounds received, on the 7th day of the 3d month, or fourdays after his death. Sakkai and Yakushuri, on the part ofthe Shiogoon, sent a letter to Ee Kamong no kami, to askhow he was, and to bestow upon him a present of fish andsugar, as a mark of regard.

The Cabinet was in difficulty how to act. They were ofthe party of the Regent, but were now afraid that the oppositeviews would prevail, and that power would fall into thehands of Mito.

On the part of the Gorochiu, Neito Kii no kami wrote tothe servants of Ee Kamong no kami:

“As a severe misfortune has befallen Ee Kamong nokami, all his servants and relations are liable to be implicatedin the trouble.[12] If you, in revenge, should raise disturbancewith the followers of Mito, it will occasion much trouble.I will endeavor to arrange matters for you, and keep thingsquiet.”

For some time after the assassination, the gates of theShiogoon’s castle, known as the Sakurada, Babasaki, and[335]Watakura, were shut. The Tayass gate at Take bashi, theHanzo and Saymidzu gates, were open during the day andshut at night.

The members of the Cabinet were allowed a guard ofsixty men, and those of the lower Cabinet fifty men.

The men now feared by the government, the partisans ofMito, were lurking about Yedo in numbers. It was knownthat the head of the Regent had been carried off to the cityof Mito and put up on a pole, with much abusive writingattached to it.

The Shiogoon gave orders to five Daimios to arrest allsuspicious persons from Mito, and to seize the leaders of themovement.

Mito had said, tauntingly, “How can I, a poor Daimio,arrest these men, when you, the Shiogoon, are not able to doso? If you wish to seize these men, send your officers anddo it. From Tatsuno kootchi a head was brought, and EeKamong no kami’s servants are very anxious to get possessionof it.”

The head of the Cabinet, Neito, wrote to MatzdairaOsumi no kami: “Three days ago a high officer was assassinatedbefore your door. You did not go to his assistance,or prevent the outrage. You were very negligent of yourduty, and you are to be punished by the door of your residencebeing shut for one week, and you are not to go outduring that time, but to confine yourself to your own house.”

A similar message was sent to Katagiri Iwami no kami,keeper of the Heebiyah gate; and also to Toda stchi no ske(a child), keeper of the Babasaki gate.

At this time the streets of Yedo were placarded withsquibs against the party of the late Regent and those infavor of foreigners. One of these accused the late Gotairoof enriching himself by foreign trade at the expense of thepeople of Japan, and others were obscure allusions to thefounder of the family. Another, by turning the charactersof his name upside down, makes of it, “A gentleman’s headswept away is very good.”

[336](Some of these squibs were what is called “Yabatai”writing. This name is founded on the following: Abe nonaka maro in old times was sent as embassador to China.The Chinese Emperor was angry with him, and said thatif he could not read a certain piece of writing he wouldkill him. He failed, and was put to death. Another embassadorsucceeded, to whom the same alternative wasgiven. While he was musing upon it, and praying to Tensho go dai jin, a spider dropped from the ceiling upon thepaper, and went from word to word showing him how it wasto be read. This is called Yabatai, wild-horse writing, nowconverted into Yaotai, wild-fool writing.)

The following information as to the assassins appears tohave been given to the Gorochiu by Hossokawa, the Daimioto whose residence several of the assassins fled, saying thatthey were men from Mito, and wished to place themselvesunder his protection. He is supposed to have known allabout the affair from the first.

One of the assassins, Mori, said that, about three monthsbefore, he had attempted to kill the Regent by shooting himwith a pistol. The ball passed through the norimono, andhe made his escape. The day they came to Hossokawa’shouse was very cold, so they were provided with food andwine. There was much snow falling, which furthered thedesigns of the assassins, as they thought it was assistancegiven them from heaven. They were all very tired andsleepy. Upon the 18th day of the 2d month they all wentto Mito, afterward returning to Yedo; and they met in themorning of the 3d day of the 3d month at Atango yama.They did not sleep there; but the Buddhist priest was cognizantof what was going on.

The government in Yedo had doubtless good cause foralarm at the present crisis, as Mito, on the one hand, andthe young Ee, son of the Regent, on the other, were makingpreparations for a fight. The policy of Iyeyas in compellingthe lords to be personally in Yedo with few followers, whiletheir strength in men remained at their provincial seats, prevented[337]any outbreak. Mito was gradually filling his housesin Yedo with men.

On the other side, the family retainers of the Ee Kamongno kami, the lad who had succeeded to his father, fearingwhat might be the result of the present crisis, brought up tencannon from his shta yashiki in the suburbs of Yedo, to hiskami yashiki. [Every Daimio of any wealth has three housesin Yedo: his own residence, kami yashiki, where his wifeand family reside, near the castle; naka yashiki, where concubines,servants, etc., reside; and shta yashiki, where hehas a garden, and retainers, servants, and their familiesreside.] From his lands at Sano, in the province of Simotsuki,he brought up 400 men.

On the same day on which the Regent was killed, anattempt was made by Ronins of Mito to kill MatzdairaSanuki no kami, who was a near relative of Mito, but afriend and son-in-law of Ee Kamong no kami. He hadsome suspicion, and was unwell on the day of the levee, andsent his son in his place. The norimono was attacked, butwhen the son was dragged out, and they discovered theirmistake, the assassins let him go. The father did not longescape, however. He had taken as a concubine a girl fromMito, who, during the next month, stabbed him while inbed, and cut off his head, sending it to Mito. MatzdairaKoonai no tayu, another friend of the Regent’s, and also arelative of Mito, hearing in the palace of the murder of theRegent, escaped by a back way.

The Daimio Hossokawa Etshiu no kami wrote to thegovernment as follows:

“Yesterday morning some men came to my guards atthe main gate, and said they were servants of Mito and hadkilled the Regent, and it was right that they should go tothe Gorochiu; but as it is the first time they have cometo Yedo, and do not know where the Gorochiu live, theyrequested me to go with them. I asked them who theywere and what they wanted. They answered, that they hadbeen this morning fighting with the Regent at the Sakurada[338]gate; and having first wounded him with a pistol, theypulled him by the right hand out of the kango and cut offhis head. There came at first only nine men, but these werefollowed by a number of others: whence they came I do notknow.”

Hossokawa accompanied these men to the Hio jo sho,where the judges on duty asked them to give in writing theirreasons for killing the Regent. The answer was: “We havegood reasons. From the time of Zin mu tenwo to the presentday the Japanese nation has never received any insultfrom a foreign nation; now five foreign nations have madetreaties, and all through the empire the people are angryand sorry and vexed, and the Regent did not care. If hedoes not care for this, he makes himself an enemy to thenation, and therefore we killed him. We have no otherreason.”

The officers at the Hio jo sho were afraid to ask any morequestions.

Mito sent the following letter to the Shiogoon:

“I am told that some men who were formerly in my service,but who were dismissed, have gone this morning to theSakurada gate and killed Ee Kamong no kami. They appearto have gone to Hossokawa, wishing that he shouldtake them into his employ. A messenger from Hossokawahas brought me this information. I am very sorry for it, andit has caused me much distress. I could not employ so manyservants, and therefore was obliged to reduce my establishment,while some men who would not obey me went awayof their own accord. On this account I am unable to arrestor punish such men, and must trust to the servants of theShiogoon doing so, while I must try to find those who haveabsconded; but the Shiogoon is powerful while I am comparativelypowerless; I therefore beg the assistance of theShiogoon.”

The Shiogoon wrote to Mito on the 4th day of the 3dmonth:

“Yesterday your servants killed the Gotairo, and now I[339]fear they may attack and kill some of the Gorochiu. It isordered that your servants from morning to night, all dayand all night, are not to move out of the house.”

Otta, Hiobu sho, wrote to the Shiogoon:

“This morning about 8 A.M. the men of my guard informedme that two soldiers had passed them wounded andcovered with blood. They, when very near my cross guard,committed suicide. I thereupon sent an Ometski to investigatethe case. I asked the men standing near whence theyhad come. They said from the direction of the Heebiyahgate, and that on account of a severe wound of the shoulderone of them was faint and could not walk. He said to hiscompanion, ‘I cannot kill myself, as I cannot move my righthand’; the other said, ‘If you are weak I will do it for you,’and cut off his head, and immediately after doing so he cuthis own throat. We found that one of the swords of thesemen was bent round like a bow, and on examining the pockets,one had seven boos [coins], and the other seven boos anda half; and besides the money was a crest similar to thatused by the Shiogoon [Mito uses the same crest—the awoyee,or three leaves], which had been cut from his coat; and areceipt from the Yebi ya [i.e., lobster inn], a tea-house atthe Yosiwarra [the government brothel]—viz., two boos forTamanyoshi and two for Chittosay, two girls; one boo fora singing-girl; one boo for drink, two boos for fish, and tentenpos for rice, with half a boo as a present to the servantsof the house, with the date, 2d month, 27th day.”

The street governor came and examined the corpses, andtook them away on the 4th day of the 3d month.

On the 4th day of the 3d month—i.e., the day after theassassination—Satsuma wrote to the Shiogoon:

“A servant of mine, Arimura Yooske, yesterday abscondedand has not yet returned. I find that a man whocommitted suicide yesterday, near the residence of EndoTajima no kami, was his elder brother. As I am ignorantof what he has been doing, please to order him to bearrested.”

[340]On the 3d day of the 3d month the Ronins in the serviceof Mito who had assisted in the murder wrote out the followingstatement and gave it to Hossokawa:

“We left our province of Hitatsi on the 18th day of lastmonth; we did not meet together, but stopped at differentparts of the town during our stay in Yedo. This morningwe all met at the temple on Atango Hill [in the middle ofYedo], and thence we went to the Cherry gate, and waitedbetween the guard-house of Osumi no kami and the Cherrygate. The Gotairo came along with his retinue. All atonce we surrounded the kango on both sides. For sometime we argued with the Gotairo. We told him that he wasa bad man. We spoke to him about foreigners coming tothe country, about the export of gold, about his receivingmoney as bribes from foreigners. He answered, and hismen tried to prevent any attack being made upon him.One of our men fired a pistol into the kango (by which shothe was wounded in the back). He crawled out of the kango,but could not rise off his hands and knees quickly. Hisservants ran away, and one man cut off his head; six orseven others hacked at his body.”

In the pocket of Arimura, the servant of Satsuma, whohad been killed, was found a “sakiburay,” or permit totravel for the Prince of Satsuma, who was at this time achild—“My master to-morrow sets out for Satsuma, andwants at each station coolies and horses.” There was alsofound a piece of poetry:

“This is my body, which belongs to my master;

I will wait in the ground till my name is made greater.”

The following is given as information with referenceapparently to the men who had banded themselves togetherto free their country from the presence of foreigners:

“There are sixty honorable men in the service of Mitowho are very hard and iron-willed. Why are they so iron-willed?To drive away foreigners according to the wish ofthe Emperor expressed in his letter of the 28th day of the[341]12th month. Mito has received a letter from the Emperor.Hikonay [i.e., the Regent, from the name of his castle] gaveit to him to tell him he must go to Miako. We have got theEmperor’s letter and know his wishes [that foreigners shouldbe driven out of Japan], and if we do not obey him we arerebels. The will of the Emperor we are determined toaccomplish.”

As further information the following is given: HottaBitshiu no kami went to Miako on the part of the Gotairo tospeak to the Emperor about the foreign treaties with Japan.The Emperor said to him: “You have made your treatiesfirst, and afterward come to me to tell me of what you havedone. I know nothing about it. I know nothing about thebusiness transacted in Kwanto—i.e., in Yedo.” Hotta couldnot answer the Emperor.

The Regent then sent Manabay to Miako to speak to theEmperor. He had an audience of the Emperor, and advisedhim to wipe out the treaty made at Yedo, and to make anentirely new and proper one. The Emperor replied: “Youhave fouled my face, and consider me as of no use. Fromthe beginning there was always an Emperor in Japan; butif now the people do not wish it, I will give up my position.But you are trying to sow divisions between the Emperorand the Shiogoon.”

Manabay said: “It will be better for us to make theirinterests one [alluding to the proposal that the Shiogoonshould marry the sister of the Emperor]. If we do so, wecan afterward unite to brush out foreigners.”

The Emperor replied: “Now, at three or four audiencesyou have brought forward the business of Kwanto, but eachtime it has been false. Now you speak truth. If you thinkit right, put out these foreigners now. But my honor hasbeen fouled and broken.”

Manabay said: “At present the government of Japan isdifficult and in a critical position, but let us be quiet anddelay.”

Manabay had, for the Regent, given large sums of money[342]to the high Koongays, the Kwanbakku, and others, to bringover the Emperor to his side. The Emperor was then standingalone, the Kwanbakku having been bought over. Manabay,on his return, retired from the Gorochiu to his provincialresidence in Etsizen, but he got the credit of havingsaved Japan at this critical period from a civil war. It wasonly postponed for a little.

The Gorochiu were in great alarm at this time, and issuedorders to all the guards around and in Yedo to be on thewatch for disturbances.

At the Hio jo sho the following evidence was elicitedfrom one of the guards:

“I am a Gay zammi.[13] In the open space in front of thegate there were eight or nine men standing—some with raincoatson, and some holding umbrellas—and looking at theSode bookang.[14] I heard a pistol-shot in the open space infront, and several shots were fired at the kango. The bearersran away. Some men then seized Ee Kamong no kamiby the mangay [i.e., the stiff tuft of hair on the top of thehead], and dragged him out of the kango. After that Iheard loud speaking, quarreling and scolding; and soonafter they cut off Ee’s head. While the quarreling wasgoing on he was not dead, because I saw him moving hishands. Afterward many of the assassins stamped upon thebody, and all kicked it; and they afterward hacked the bodyall over. They then all ran away.”

The Gorochiu immediately sent a letter to the Emperor:“This morning (3d day of 3d month), on the Soto Sakurada,twenty servants of Mito assassinated Kamong no kami. We[343]fear that Mito may have a design of sending men down toMiako to seize the Emperor, and gain over the Koongays.Therefore his Majesty’s government would do well to keepa strict watch round Miako, and in the six roads leading tothe capital.”

Matzdaira Higo no kami wrote to the Gorochiu: “Thismorning there was a serious disturbance at Soto Sakurada.My soldiers are at your disposal to guard any spot whereyou may please to order them.”

The Gorochiu answered, by the usual way of attaching asmall slip of paper to the letter: “We do not require anymore soldiers.”

The Shiogoon ordered Sakkai Sayay mon no jo, who wasnow, by the death of the Regent, head of the Tay kan no ma,or room of the Fudai Daimios, as follows:

“This morning there was a great disturbance in SotoSakurada; and afterward there was fighting close to theShiogoon’s residence. You must keep all the soldiers underyour command in readiness within your house.”

The Shiogoon also wrote to Higo no kami: “You say youhave your soldiers all ready for any duty they may be calledto. Your loyalty has given me much satisfaction.”

On the 4th day of the 3d month, Okamoto and Soma, thetwo principal officers in the late Regent’s service, went tothe Gorochiu with the following letter: “Our master, Kamongno kami, went out yesterday to go to the castle to payhis respects. When about half-way between his house andthe gate of the castle, several miscreants fell upon him andkilled him. We have certain information that these assassinswere servants of Mito and Satsuma. Yesterday all theofficers say to us, ‘Wait a little.’ But this business cannotwait. We wish to know for what reason these men killedour master. There are, at the present moment, some ofthese men secreted in the houses of Wakisaka and Hossokawa—twoDaimios. We wish to see them, and ascertainfrom themselves why they killed our master. We desirethat these men may be delivered up to us. All the people[344]of Hikonay [the Regent’s territory] wish this, and we trustyou will take pity on them and grant their desire.”

To this letter the Gorochiu affixed as answer: “Cannotdo so.”

The following letter was addressed to the Shiogoon by theson and servants of the late Regent on the day of the murder.It was written to ascertain whether the law of Japanwould be acted upon in their case, by which the territory ofany officer who had been assassinated is confiscated. “3dday, 3d month.—Ee Kamong no kami, when going to thecastle to-day, and when near the Sakurada gate, was attackedby a number of villains. At the time, so much snowwas falling as to make it impossible to see a yard before one.All the servants of Ee are enraged. There were but fewRonins and many servants, and they ought to have overpoweredthe Ronins. The servants are deeply shamed when theythink of Ee nawo massa (the first of the family in the timeof Iyeyas). Whatever is to become of us we care not; butthe retainers and friends of Ee wish to know whether thehouse is, according to the old laws of the empire, to be reducedin rank and impoverished, or if it is to be entirelydegraded and removed from the territory. We wish tounderstand clearly.” This was written in the name of theyoung Ee; and was probably written with the view of preparingto defend themselves and party by an appeal to armsrather than by submission.

The Shiogoon answered to this: “All your father’s territoryI restore to you his son.”

Here terminates the native account of the assassination.It gives some insight into the working of the government,and the unscrupulous means to which the highest magnatesof the land will resort to attain their ends. From the generaltenor of the statements, the extreme hatred of one partyin Japan to foreign intercourse is brought out, and the slightwhich the Emperor considered to have been put upon himby the conclusion of the treaty without his consent andagainst his expressed opinion.

[345]Assassination is the ultima ratio of the desperation ofparty weakness. The act implies that the party which hassanctioned it has no one competent to cope with the individualremoved, or to fill the place which it has made vacant.

The position of the government upon the death of theRegent was that of helpless inactivity. The sudden removalof the foremost man of the empire was as the removal of thefly-wheel from a piece of complicated machinery. The wholeempire stood aghast, expecting and fearing some great politicalconvulsion. The whole country knew who had been theactive agents in the deed; and perhaps there were at heartvery few who did not feel more or less satisfaction at theblow given to the party which was responsible for, and instrumentalin, bringing foreigners into the country; and acivil war or revolution would certainly have followed, hadnot every one felt that they were, for the first time in theirhistory, face to face with an enemy, fear of whom concentratedall minor feelings, and consolidated them into onegreat national determination to rid the land of the hatedforeigners. This was the one policy which the Emperordemanded of the Shiogoon, which the people looked to thegovernment to effect, and which the lords and militaryclasses burned to carry into execution. Were the foreignersnot a mere handful of men, and were such to be allowed tobeard and insult the highest personages in the land withperfect impunity? Now, when the head of the party, whowas or pretended to be in favor of such a change of thelaws, is struck down, if some representative of the nationalfeelings would only arise and lead them on, they would followto the death in such a glorious cause. But no suchleader appeared. Where was Mito, the rival of the lateRegent? and why did he not come forward to carry out hisown policy at this juncture? The son of the late Regent wastoo young and inexperienced to claim his father’s office, orto assume the leadership of the party. It was the personalhatred of the two men which had been the moving spring inthe daring action of the Regent, and in the underhand plotting[346]of Mito. In all probability the feelings of hostility withwhich each regarded the foreigner were equally strong.Mito said you must admit foreigners, because you cannotkeep them out. He thought we can admit foreigners, and,if we see fit, afterward turn them out. But Mito was dislikedby the other Daimios, and his name was not sufficientto rally a strong party, while he[15] and the lately degradedDaimios were now in arrest in their own houses, in territorieswhich had been transferred to the hands of infants.They had thus no opportunity for intriguing, having no commonplace of meeting out of Yedo, as by law they were prohibitedfrom going to Miako, and could only come to Yedoas Daimios, when called there on duty by the government.

In this crisis the only course for the Cabinet to pursuewas to go on quietly, managing the routine of affairs untiltime should open up some line of action. The Gorochiu,therefore, with Neito at its head, and nominally underTayass as Regent, continued to carry on the ordinary dutiesof government.

Events have shown that the Regent was right in hisjudgment of the men whom he sought to remove from hispath as obstacles—Mito, Etsizen, Satsuma, Owarri—as thesehave all since his death reappeared as leaders of the partyopposed to his policy in the Obiroma or council of the Kokushu.Etsizen, afterward known by his retired title Shoongaku,was the first among these magnates who attempted totake a lead in the government of Yedo. He had been removedfrom his position as Daimio and placed in arrest; but,having subsequently been released, was able to move aboutand obtain an influence in high places. He obtained fromthe Emperor a letter [afterward considered a forgery], appointinghim and Awa to fill the place of co-regents, underthe name of Sosai Shoku or Sodangeite. But the fermentationof revolution had already begun to work, and at such a[347]time the first actors upon the stage seldom play the prominentparts they deem themselves fitted to fill. They generallyfail to see the causes of the boiling going on around.Such a man is like an atom in a pot of boiling water, andknows and sees nothing of the fire which is causing all theupturning around him. To even a superficial looker-on atthe state of things in Japan, it was evident that such a dualcondition of government as that then existing could not longcontinue to carry on foreign relations. The discord andweakness arising from the permission of an imperium inimperio by the exterritoriality clause was greatly increasedby the government attempting to carry on foreign relationswithout the consent or against the will of the higher powerin Miako. The two powers must work harmoniously; andso long as the internal affairs of the empire are the only possiblecause of rupture, the weaker, though more exalted, willfind it to be its interest to be on good terms with the lowerbut more powerful, the executive. So soon as the latterbegins to act as supreme power toward other nations, itplaces itself in a wrong position, and foreign nations will nottreat with such a pretense. The opposition finds a head inthe Emperor, and the only way to avert a rupture is for thelower power to give way and to act only as the representativeof the head of the empire. If he fails to see this, he setshimself against the Emperor, who is then supported, not onlyby his own nobility, but also by those powers with whom hehas entered into relations. The party of the Shiogoon desertshim, and his only rôle is to work with and under theEmperor; or, if he refuses to do this, civil war ensues, andhe falls.

After the removal of the Gotairo, the Cabinet was ableor permitted to carry on the affairs of State. But whileeverything seemed smooth, smoldering powers were atwork preparing for volcanic action. The Kokushu, andespecially those who came to Yedo from the west, werebecoming very much irritated about the question of foreignersin the country, and foreign ministers in Yedo. The[348]latter assumed a position of superiority to which these lordswere quite unaccustomed. They were occupying templesbelonging to great families, situated in cemeteries consecratedby the burial of their ancestors and relatives, but nowpolluted by intruders hateful to the spirits of the country.The foreign merchants were able to beard these princes onthe highroad, and to treat with nonchalance dignitaries wholooked for the utmost deference, and who were authorizedby law to punish at their own hands any real or supposedinsolence or insult. On the other hand, they saw tradepushing its way in the country; silk which had been soldfor 100 dollars was now bringing 1,000, and Emperor and lordlonged to share in such advantages and participate in theprofits. The first object which the more powerful of theKokushu set themselves to accomplish was to break downthis intolerable subjection to the Yedo government. Thiswas not difficult to do, as the power of the empire was in thehands of a delicate lad, and the Emperor, through whomthe end was brought about, was promised and hoped thatthe power would revert to him. The agents in this act wereShoongaku, Shimadzu saburo, Choshiu, and a KoongayOhara—a distant relative and the unexpected successor ofa Koongay, and who had spent his early life hanging aboutthe offices of Yedo. After the boy-Shiogoon had been marriedto Kadsu mia, sister of the Emperor, Shoongaku, whowas always full of the most economical if not parsimoniousviews, reduced the retinue and court of the Shiogoon till itwas brought into contempt with the populace. In October,1862, these potentates produced a letter (forged, as is generallybelieved) from the Emperor, putting an end to theroutine of the Yedo court; and having the power in theirown hands, they immediately proclaimed the edict and carriedit into execution. The order was to the effect that thehigher Daimios were to visit Yedo only once in seven years,and that the wives and families of all the Daimios were tolive at their own provincial seats. This removed from Yedoall the luster of the court. At the same time these lords[349]filled up the complement of their design by inducing theEmperor to call most of the higher Daimios who were oftheir own views to Miako. The Mikado was swayed hitherand thither as the one party or the other gained the powerin the capital; and so at one time Kanso, the retired lordof Hizen, had the ear of the Emperor in the interest of theShiogoon, while Choshiu appeared to have taken up armsagainst his sovereign. But he seems all along to have actedloyally and patriotically in showing an intense hatred to theforeigners who were by force of arms thrusting themselvesand their regiments into the country. This act was thegreat blow which broke up the power and brought to atermination the dynasty of Iyeyas. He had foreseen andmade provision for intestine war and revolution, but had notbeen able to provide for a treaty with foreign nations and anexterritoriality clause.

In 1861 the foreign ministers, up to that time resident inYedo, retired to Yokohama, and pressed one demand afteranother upon the Japanese government, already sufficientlyoccupied with complications arising from intestine difficulties.The Cabinet was worried by requests for interviewsupon questions of land, of residences, of money exchanges,of matters of etiquette in interviews with the Shiogoon, andother matters which might seem trivial in comparison withthe crisis through which the country was passing in the faceof an internal revolution. These foreign ministers werenow, somewhat unreasonably, all demanding that residencesshould be built for them by the Japanese government, andinsisting that these residences should (in the face of an articleof the treaty to the contrary) be fortified and furnishedwith guns. The recreation ground of the people of Yedo,Go teng yama, was demanded and given up for this purposeby Ando, then Prime Minister, and a large buildingwas erected by the Japanese government upon this site;but the feelings of the people at this unjust appropriationof a piece of ground which had been set apart for their usewere so much excited that another local émeute was threatened[350]at Yedo. This was allayed by the burning of the newbuilding, and by the attempted assassination of the PrimeMinister, who narrowly escaped with the loss of an ear.

By these annoyances occurring in the neighborhood ofYedo, and through the presence of foreigners, a strong partywas drawn over to the views of the Emperor, and the nationbegan to see that he had all along been in the right in opposingthe admission of foreigners as detrimental to the quiet ofthe country. Satsuma and Choshiu built each a large newresidence in Miako. The Emperor called on twelve of thewealthiest among the Daimios to keep each a sufficient bodyof troops in the city for his protection. The young Shiogoonwas invited or called upon to pay a visit to Miako whenStotsbashi was intriguing against him. He accordinglywent with Kanso, the retired prince of Hizen, while Higowas appointed Shugo shoku, or guardian of the palace.This meeting of the Emperor and the Shiogoon seems tohave opened the eyes of both to the power and intelligenceof foreigners, of which the Emperor and his court seem tohave been ignorant. Some of the Miako nobility went outon a trip with the Shiogoon in his steamer, and were astonishedand converted; and Anega Koji was assassinated forexpressing too plainly and openly his opinions as to thepower and energy of foreigners.

The intercourse between the two heads of the empireseems to have consolidated the power of the government,and promised to bring forth fruit in a mutual good understandingand co-operation. Stotsbashi sneaked away to Yedoin disgrace, and had to run the gantlet of an attack on hisway back, when his chief secretary was assassinated on thehighroad at Saka no shta. Shimadzu and Choshiu retiredfrom Miako in disgrace to their respective provincial residences,where they brooded over their own position and thatof the empire. They could not but feel that it was the loyaltyof their views which had entailed on them their presentdisgrace, and the prime cause of this was the foreigners.They knew well that the feeling of every one of their countrymen[351]was with them, and they seem to have at last determinedto throw themselves into the breach by bringing abouta quarrel between the government and some foreign nation.Shimadzu, the father of the Daimio, then a minor, determinedto carry out the laws of the country irrespective ofany exterritoriality clauses. On leaving Yedo, on September14, 1862, he gave out that he would cut down any foreignershe might chance to meet upon the road; when, ashe approached Kanagawa, meeting three gentlemen and alady, he ordered his retainers to cut them down, and Mr.Richardson, wounded and unable to ride away more thantwo hundred yards, was set upon, fainting from loss ofblood, and brutally murdered. Justice was asked from theShiogoon’s government and the punishment of the offender,who was well known to all Japan. The murder of a merchantby a lord like Satsuma was treated with contempt, andthe matter was referred by the British Minister to H.M. government.The subsequent necessary delay of many months,before instructions came out to demand an indemnity andthe punishment of the offender, raised the courage of theparty opposed to foreigners, and Choshiu determined on hispart to carry out the laws of the country according to hisinstructions. He held a commission from the Emperor asguardian of the Straits of Simo no seki, the narrow westernentrance to the “inner sea.” He had thereby a right tooverhaul all vessels passing through this strait. There isno other sea quite analogous: it resembles, but is muchnarrower than, the Dardanelles, the Sound, the Straits ofDover, or Tarifa, at all of which places some recognition ofthe power of the nation to defend a vulnerable point of herterritories has been allowed in the exercise of certain surveillanceover passing vessels. Choshiu fired upon some foreignvessels passing through this strait. The consequence of thiswas a combined attack by English, French and Dutch, bywhich he or one of his relatives (by error) suffered severelyin men, ammunition and prestige. The Shiogoon disavowedhis proceedings, and to satisfy foreign demands proposed to[352]punish the rebel This, however, he found to be no easymatter, as the whole troops and populace were in favor ofChoshiu and his patriotic attempt, and the Shiogoon was atlast obliged to make terms with the Daimio.

Choshiu had presented the following memorial to thegovernment upon the position of Japan in its internal andexternal relations at this juncture:

“Allow me, notwithstanding your political discussions[with the Mikado’s envoys], to give you my opinion respectingthe troubles which foreigners have given us of late yearsin asking all kinds of concessions, in addition to the unexpectedtroubles which exist in our own country. This combinationof difficulties within and without, occurring at thesame time, and bringing us to a point when our prosperityor misfortune is decided, keeps my heart day and night inanxiety, and induces me to give you in confidence my ownfeelings upon these subjects.

“I have long thought that union and concord betweenthe Shiogoon and Mikado, and obedience to the Mikado’sorders, are highly necessary in keeping up an intercoursewith foreign nations, as I have already said veryoften.

“But every one knows that since the great council ofofficers, the Shiogoon and Mikado are disunited, which hasoccasioned a conflict of parties, and brought with it discordand trouble.

“I think the reason of this is, that although the signingof the treaties was forced upon us by urgent circumstancesand pressing events, there are some who maintain that thereopening of relations with foreigners has occasioned a degradationof the people, who were so brave and constant tenyears ago, to the state of quiescence and cowardice to whichthey are now reduced by their fear of war and of the foreignpowers. These persons who are of this opinion are thereforein opposition to the acts of the Shiogoon, and say that theywill themselves undertake to set aside the treaties and preparethe country for war, declaring that the Mikado still[353]maintains the old laws of our country, which direct theexpulsion of foreigners.

“Other persons accept, on the contrary, the reopening ofthe country, and praise the foreigners, and thus destroy allconfidence in ourselves. They say that the foreigners havelarge forces, and that they have great knowledge of arts andsciences.

“These conflicting opinions trouble the minds of the people.Unity is force and strength, and discord is weakness;therefore it would be imprudent to go to war against powerfuland brave enemies with discord in our minds.

“The closing or opening of Japan is a matter of the greatestmoment. That which cannot be shut again should nothave been opened, and that which cannot be opened shouldnot have been shut.

“The closing of Japan will never be a real closing, and theopening will never be a real opening, so long as our countryis not restored to its independence, and as long as it is menacedand despised by foreign countries. Therefore the openingor closing of Japan is dependent upon the restoration ofour own powers; if that is effected, then war or peace canbe declared.

“The condition upon which this power can be restored tous is the enlightening of the people, and their union.

“I think the only way to bring about national union isby solid union between the Shiogoon and Mikado, actingtogether as in one body. Should there be war, it can bebrought to an end very easily.

“A time is now come very different from the barbarousages, and arising out of the long peace which has prevailed.Every little child knows the respect it owes to its parentsand masters.

“It will therefore rejoice everybody in this advanced ageto see the Shiogoon hold the Mikado in great respect; andthe whole nation would honor the Shiogoon, and all troubleswould cease, and then only we can be restored to our independenceand power.

[354]“After our independence is restored, it is urgent andpressing that we reform our military institutions, the navalsciences, as well as all branches of industry. We shouldfind out the great advancements and developments of artsand sciences in other countries. The whole nation must devotelife and soul to the benefit of our state, and we mustlearn and study the interior arrangements of foreign lands,in order that the commerce of our country may flourish inthis important age. I think all this ought to have beendone long since; but nothing of the kind is to be found inthe edicts which have appeared so often during the lastseven years.

“Inventions and improvements pass on with rapidity,and the time is now come to make all these changes andimprovements; but if our attachment to old customs causesus to postpone these measures of such great importance, ifthese changes are later suddenly forced by circumstances uponthe inhabitants, a very bad impression will be produced,creating disorder and confusion. These are reasons whythey should be effected now calmly and gradually. I thinkthat the Mikado will not be disinclined to this, and thereforeI wish that the Shiogoon should act under the orders of theMikado, and not conclude matters by his own authority.He ought to let these designs be known to all the Daimiosin the name of the Mikado; then there will be a generalquiet restored; then the dormant soul of the whole nationwill awake, and will be united in power and in independence;and then it will display its force and strength to theother five portions of the universe without anxiety and fearfor our own country.

“I do not write these my sentiments to aid you in yournegotiations, as they may be of little or no use to you, andonly like a drop of water falling into the ocean; but to showmy gratitude for the favors of the Shiogoon, which my ancestorshave enjoyed during centuries.”

The aim of the party opposed to the policy of the Shiogoonand the admission of foreigners seems to have been to[355]poison the mind of the Emperor against the young Shiogoon,and to embroil the country in a war, by setting theone against the other. The letters from the Emperor whichhave been obtained prove this.

The following letter was conveyed by Shimadzu Saburofrom the Emperor to the Shiogoon about October, 1862:

“I think that the power of the foreigners [Ee jin, wildmen] at the present time in the country is improper; andthe officers of the Kwanto seem to have lost all knowledgeof the right way, and of all plans of action, causing disturbanceall over the empire. All my people [Ban nin, 10,000men] seem about to fall down into mud as black as charcoal.On this account I, standing between Ten sho go daijin and my people, am very deeply distressed. The Bakuri[Shiogoon’s officers] have spoken to me, saying, ‘All our peopleare agitated, and the Shiogoon has no power to hold uphis arm. Therefore please give us your sister in marriage[to the Shiogoon]. If you can do this, Miako and Yedo willbe at concord, and the whole power of Japan can join together,and we can then brush away the Yee teki’ [i.e.,foreigners, wild enemies].

“In answer, I said, ‘This is right, and I will give mysister.’

“At that time the Bakuri said to me, ‘In ten years theforeigners must be brushed away.’ This gave me greatpleasure; and I pray to the spirits every day to help Japan.

“I have now been waiting for a long time for yourbrushing away. Why are you so slow?

“With my sister Kadsumia I sent Tchikusa shosho andIwakura chiujo, and at the same time granted a generalamnesty;[16] and all the business of the government I gave, asin former times, to the Shiogoon. But this business aboutforeigners [Gway-Ee] is of the first importance to the country.Therefore I said, ‘Let all this foreign business come[356]under my care, and I will settle it.’ At the time, all theYedo officials answered to me that the Emperor’s proposalwas very important and serious, but a speedy answer cannotbe given, and that we must wait a little.

“After this time, several Daimios proposed several differentstratagems for driving away foreigners. But of all theDaimios only two—viz., Satsuma and Choshiu—came in personto speak to me; and all the loyal people from San yodo[west of Miako], Nan kaido [island of Sikok], and Sai kaido[island of Kiusiu], came to Miako like bees, and addressedme secretly. All these tell me that the officers of Yedo areall bad, and that they are becoming worse from day to day;and that justice and truth are fallen to the ground; and thatthey do not hold the Emperor in respect; and they are friendsof the foreigners, giving them everything they want—silk,tea, and other things—while the whole country loses. Allthe people are much vexed about this; and they feel thatthey are becoming the same as servants of the foreigners,and now their habits cannot change. On this account, thesepeople of San yodo, Nan kaido, and Sai kaido, and Satsumaand Mowori [Choshiu], wish to raise the Emperor’s flag.And they say, that if the Emperor with the flag goes toHakonay, the Bakufu [Shiogoon’s office] officers, if bad,must all be punished.

“Some men say that, Japan having been at peace for along time, the spirits of the people are very lazy and slow;therefore they suggest that a letter should be given to theDaimios and people of the Go ki stchi do [i.e., the districtslying upon the seven roads], ordering that foreigners mustbe brushed out of the country.

“The Emperor says: ‘Throughout the empire there aremany loyal and patriotic men, therefore I will speak to Satsumaand Nagato to desire the people to have patience.’

“I gave a letter to Koozay Yamato no kami, requestingan answer, and yet none ever came; and last year I wroteand proclaimed an amnesty, and to this I received no answer.Why has the Shiogoon thus lost the way? I believe[357]it is not he, but his officers. All the Gorochiu do not care.The Ty jiu [great tree] is but young; but I fear that if Idelay but an instant [till I can stand up], all the empire willbe broken up. Therefore I am every day troubled and weeping.All the officers of the Kwanto [the Shiogoon, Daimios,etc.] think only of the happiness of a day, and forget themisery of a hundred years. The holy books thus speak, andyou ought to study them. You ought to keep these virtuousideas in your minds, and be ready with your military preparations,and then you will clearly see your way out, andbrush away the power of the foreign enemies. But whileall Japan is in a state of excitement, I will hold to the mediumcourse [i.e., between brushing away immediately andwaiting indefinitely]. Since the Tokungawa family began[i.e., since Iyeyas], there has not arisen a question of somuch difficulty. I have three plans to propose: The firstis, that I will gradually bring the Shiogoon and Daimiosand Hattamoto to Miako, and will hold a council about thegovernment of the country and the brushing away of foreigners.If we can do this, the anger of heaven and thegods will be averted. They will rejoice, and the good mindsof the lower classes will return. Then all people will standon a strong foundation, and the empire be as strong as alarge mountain.

“My second plan is, you must lean upon the old laws ofHo taiko [i.e., Taikosama], and give the laws of the countryand the settlement of the question into the hands of the Taihang [i.e., large fence, or the Kokushiu] and the Gotairo[i.e., five elders]. If we do this, the country can keep outor push back the pressure of foreigners. All round thecoasts military preparations must be made; and so the countrywill be strong, and foreigners can be brushed away.

“My third plan is, to order Stotsbashi to assist the Ty jiuon all internal business, and to give the office of Regent toShoongaku, to take charge of the outer relations of the officeat Yedo. In that case both the internal and external businesswill be well conducted, and we shall not blush to think[358]that we are servants to foreigners, and that they have obligedus to cross our coats the right over the left side.[17] For allmen fear that in a very little time these foreigners will seizeall Japan.

“I think that these three plans should now be consideredand settled, and to that end I send an envoy to Kwanto; butif they cannot all three be carried out, I wish the officers ofthe Shiogoon to examine them and determine on one thatcan be carried out. All my servants must be very busygoing round and round, and there is to be no secrecy aboutit; but every one is to be diligent, and all must give me afaithful report.”

At the time this letter was written both Stotsbashi andShoongaku were in Miako, whither they had hurried downbefore the arrival of the Shiogoon. The letter bears someinternal evidence of being written at their dictation, especiallyfrom the proposal made to appoint the two as Lieutenantsand Regent to or over the Shiogoon; and corroboratesthe advice which Kanso had given the young Shiogoon; viz.,that he should repair at once to Miako, where the enemiesof his power were trying to subvert him.

Not long after this, four Koongays of Miako having beendiscovered plotting against the Emperor were degraded andobliged to shave their heads and retire to monasteries. Koongaand his son, and the Empress herself, with two concubines,were said to be implicated in these intrigues. The followingreasons of punishment were published: “During the last fiveyears intrigues have been carrying on against the Emperorby the late Gotairo and Sakkye Wakasa no kami. The objectof these intrigues has been to get possession of the Emperor’sperson and banish him to one of the islands (as formerly severalwere sent by Ashikanga and Hojio). Sakkye was very[359]false, and tarnished the bright name of the Emperor, whichis a very foul crime. Now their devices have been discovered,and the Emperor has ordered the Sisshay [anothername of the Kwanbakku] thus to punish them.”

The punishment inflicted by the British government uponSatsuma at Kagosima, on account of the murder of Mr.Richardson, was severe but deserved, and, in a politicalview, was completely successful. The two most powerfullords in the empire had each tried a fall with foreigners andbeen worsted. They could no longer press on the governmentto brush out these intruders, as they knew now byexperience how far behind the country was in military andnaval tactics and means of warfare. The natural result nowfollowed—they began to quarrel among themselves. Seeingtheir own weakness, however, they instantly began to takewhat steps they could to bring themselves up to a higherstanding by the education of their people, and they beganby seeking to acquire a knowledge of steam and steam-vessels.Choshiu and Satsuma sent young men to England,arms and ammunition were purchased, steam-factories wereerected for working in iron, military tactics were studied,professors were appointed in their colleges, and officers wereobtained to drill their young men and teach the use of the rifle.

The fruit expected from the intercourse of the Emperorand Shiogoon unfortunately did not ripen. The latter returnedto Yedo despoiled of much of the former splendorof his position. His court was broken up. The greaterlords paid now no deference to him, and the lesser Daimiosbegan to side with the greater. His party consisted chieflyof the Kamong Daimios, the relatives of the family of Tokungawa.Yedo itself was falling into the position of a fadingcapital, and, as a place of commercial importance, wasdwindling with the departure of its political greatness. Afeeble attempt was made to recall the edict and re-establishthe old order of things in Yedo; but events rolled on, andthings are shaping themselves in totally different order fromthat proposed by the ruling powers.

[360]The defeat of Satsuma by the English navy at Kagosimaseparated that Daimio from the party of Choshiu andothers, and his counsels to the Emperor were those of peace.Shimadzu Saburo paid the indemnity demanded of him, andgave assurances that the offender should be given up whendiscovered, which was perhaps as much as could be expectedfrom one who, while a murder was being committedby his orders, was quietly sitting within ten feet ofhis victim.

The Shiogoon Iyay mutchi had found nothing but troubleand anxiety from his elevation to the seat of power in theyear 1859. In 1866 his health began to give way, and heshortly after died, leaving no children, and the way becameopen to his rival, Stotsbashi. The period was critical, andthe ablest man would have found difficulty in steering throughthe dangers surrounding the vessel of state. The Daimioswould now have little hesitation in withholding their allegianceto another Kubosama until it should be settled who wasto be the de facto ruler of the empire—the Emperor or theShiogoon. Many would see that some change must takeplace in the internal constitution of the empire now whenthe government must deal as one body with foreign nations.The necessity for dual government was at an end. Themouthpiece of the nation must be one, and give no uncertainsound. The internal resources must be gathered intoone treasury. The police, the taxes, must be recognized asnational, and not as belonging to one petty chief here andthere. The army and navy required reconstruction; andthe power of the feudal lords would have to be broken downin order to be reconstituted into one strong state under onehead.

The new Shiogoon, Yoshi hisa, attempted to assume thepower with the position held by his ancestors, but he wastoo late. His only true policy was to stand beside and supportthe Emperor while the lower chiefs impoverished themselvesby fighting. He attempted to take a side against theEmperor, but not being aided by a strong party, he was[361]forced in 1867 to give way, and by abdicating retire intotemporary obscurity.

To add still more to the critical position of affairs in Japanat this time, the Emperor died, being about thirty-eight yearsof age, and leaving a young boy as his heir and successor.It does not clearly appear who has been pulling the stringsof political action on the part of the boy-Emperor; but therecan be little doubt but that the two Daimios to whom Yedowas the most grievous offense, and whose ancestors hadsmarted from the rise of the Tokungawa family underIyeyas, Satsuma and Choshiu, have not been idle. On theother hand, the wealthy Daimios from the north—Sendai,and other Kamong or relatives of that family—seemed determinedto uphold the position of the family, and carry outthe principles of Iyeyas at all hazards. Between these partiesthe Shiogoon, who is said to be an able man, tried tosteer a neutral course until he saw what would turn up.At length he came to think that submission to the Emperorwas the true policy for himself and for the empire, andhe humbly placed himself at the disposal of the Emperorrather than involve the country in another civil war. Hissubmission was accepted by the Emperor in the followingterms:

“The conduct of Tokungawa Yoshi hisa having proceededto such an extreme as to be properly called an insult to thewhole empire, and having caused the deepest pain to themind of the Emperor, both sea and land forces were sent topunish him. Hearing, however, that he is sincerely penitent,and lives in retirement, the excess of the imperial compassionshall be exhausted, and the following commands beenjoined upon him. Let him be respectfully obedient tothem. A period of eleven days is granted him in whichto comply with all these orders.

“1st, Yoshi hisa having, on the 12th month of the lastyear, and afterward, insulted the Emperor, attacked theimperial city, and fired upon the imperial flag, was guiltyof a most heinous crime. The army was accordingly sent[362]out to pursue and punish him. But as he has manifestedsincere contrition and obedience, has shut himself up in retirement,and begs that his crime may be pardoned: in considerationof the no small merit of his family, which, sincethe time of his ancestors, for more than two hundred yearshas administered the affairs of government, and more especiallyof the accumulated meritorious services of Mito zoDainagoon [the father of Yoshi hisa, and rival of the Regent];for these various considerations, of which we aremost profoundly sensible, we give him the following commands,which if he obeys we will deal leniently with him,grant that the house of Tokungawa be established [i.e., notdestroyed from the list of Daimios], remit the capital punishmenthis crimes deserve, but command him to go to thecastle of Mito, and there live shut up in retirement.

“2d, The castle [of the Shiogoon in Yedo] to be vacated,and delivered over to the Prince of Owarri.

“3d, All the ships of war, cannon and small arms to bedelivered up; when a proper proportion shall be returned[to the head of the house of Tokungawa, which is reducedto the rank of an ordinary Daimio].

“4th, The retainers living in the castle shall move outand go into retirement.

“5th, To all those who have aided Yoshi hisa, althoughtheir crimes are worthy of the severest punishment, the sentenceof death shall be remitted, but they are to receive suchother punishment as you shall decide on. Let this be reportedto the imperial government. This, however, doesnot include those persons who have an income of more than10,000 koku—i.e., Daimios; the imperial government alonewill punish such.”

An important political step has been taken within the lastfew months, during the present year 1869. The Daimiosappear to have become aware of the weakness which inevitablyaccompanies division, and of the strength which wouldbe gained to the country by consolidation and unificationunder one head. The threatening position taken up by some[363]or all of the foreign nations with whom treaties of friendshiphad been concluded brought up the subject at some of therecent great councils. The crushing defeats which hadfallen upon Satsuma and Choshiu warned individual Daimiosof their weakness as units in carrying on operations ofwar; the enormous expense entailed upon them in procuringmunitions of war, and in exercise, and in the purchase ofsteamers, alarmed these lords in the prospect of annihilationfrom exhaustion, and they came to the conclusion that suchexpenses could only be borne by the empire as a whole, andthat to gain such an advantage the privileges of the classmust in some degree be given up. The removal of the Shiogoonpresented a favorable opportunity for carrying out theproposal, and they agreed heartily to restore all their fiefsinto the hands of the Emperor, and to give up the exclusiveprivileges which each held in his own state, that these mightall be thrown into one government, with one exchequer, onearmy, and one navy. The latest accounts confirm this cessionof their independent rights—in which cession Satsuma,the most powerful, but the Daimio who suffered most fromthe independent system in the very severe punishment whichhe received in loss of men, destruction of steamers, and paymentof indemnity, with total loss of prestige and position asa military power, has been foremost. It is therefore reasonableto suppose that henceforth there will be only one responsibleruling power in Japan.

CHAPTER XII
EVENTS FOLLOWING THE ABOLITION OF THE SHIOGOONATE

Mr. Dickson’s history was published in 1869. Duringthe years that have since elapsed we have witnessed acomplete transformation of Japan. To make intelligiblethe sequence of events, it may be well to describe more indetail the incidents which preceded, attended and immediately[364]followed the downfall of the Tokungawa Shiogoonatewhich, for more than two and a half centuries, had possessedthe substance of power in Japan, only the shadowthereof being retained by the Mikado. Within less than ayear after January 6, 1867, when Keiki had been made Shiogoon,much against his will, the Prince of Tosa and manyable representatives of the Daimio and Samurai castes urgedhim to resign and permit a government to be constituted onthe principles which had prevailed in the ante-Shiogoon era,namely, before the year A.D. 1200. In November, 1867,Keiki so far yielded to public opinion as to tender his resignation;but, as the Aidzu clan, which was stanchly loyal tohim, continued to guard the Mikado’s palace, it remained fora time uncertain whether Keiki might not resume his functions.Ultimately, a combination was formed by the Satsuma,Choshiu, Tosa, Etsizen and other clans, whereby thefollowers of the Tokungawa family were expelled fromthe imperial palace and an edict was issued in the name ofthe young Mikado, Mutsuhito, to the effect that the officeof Shiogoon was abolished, and that the government ofJapan would be henceforth carried on by the Mikado himself.A provisional administrator was appointed, and allthe important civil and military posts were allotted to unflinchingupholders of the prospective regime. The ex-Shiogoon,however, was persuaded by his retainers to retract hisresignation, and, at the head of a large force, he undertookto re-enter Kioto [Miako] for the purpose of reasserting hisformer authority. After a battle, which lasted three days,he was beaten by the loyal troops and was forced to takerefuge in his castle, where he announced that he wouldnever again take up arms against the Mikado. Nevertheless,the Tokungawa clan showed, for a time, signs of disaffection;but by July 1, 1869, all vestiges of rebellion hadceased and the Mikado’s party was triumphant. The trialsof the new government now began. The Kuge, or courtnobles, and the whole body of Samurai, or two-swordedmen, desired to drive foreigners out of the country, but[365]Okubo, Goto and Kido, who were conversant with foreignideas, opposed the execution of the plan and sent a noble ofthe imperial court to give the Mikado’s consent to the treatiesand to invite the foreign Ministers to an audience withthe Emperor in Kioto. The conversion of the court noblesto the party that desired to see Japan reconstructed onEuropean principles now went on rapidly, and the youngMikado was induced to appear in person before the Councilof State and to promise that a deliberative assembly shouldbe eventually formed. Indicative of an intention to revolutionizethe mode of government was the Emperor’s departurefrom Kioto, which had been the seat of his ancestors fortwenty-five centuries, and his adoption of Yedo, thenceforthcalled Tokio, for his capital. To a considerable extent, freedomof the press was now guaranteed, and a number of newspaperssprung up. Books expounding European methods ofthought and education were published, and many pamphletsadvocating the abolition of feudalism appeared. Four ofthe great Daimios, or feudal lords, advocated the change.They addressed a memorial to the throne offering to restorethe registers of their clans and proposing that the Mikadoshould resume possession of their fiefs. In conformity tothis request, an edict was issued in September, 1871, summoningthe Daimios to Tokio for the purpose of arrangingtheir retirement to private life. With scarcely an exception,the order was obeyed; even the Daimios who disapproved ofthe measure were unwilling to oppose the resolute men whohad framed the edict. The truth is that, even under thefeudal system, the real power in each clan had lain in thehands of able men of inferior rank who ruled their nominalmasters. These are the men who, during the last thirtyyears, have controlled Japan. Having first driven the Shiogooninto private life, they then compelled the Daimios tofollow him into retirement. Of the men who have governedthe country since 1868, not one is a Daimio by birth, andonly two or three are Kuge, or court nobles. Almost allwere simple Samurai, or retainers of the territorial lords.

[366]It should be mentioned that, in 1869, the Emperor returnedto Kioto for a brief visit, in order to perform certainceremonies at his father’s tomb, and, during his sojourn inthe western capital, he married the present Empress, whowas a princess of one of the five regent families, from whichthe highest officers under the Mikado have always been selected,and from which the emperors have habitually chosentheir wives.

We have seen that the Emperor had promised to convokea deliberative assembly. This promise was, at first, kept tothe ear, rather than the hope. A so-called Kogisho or Parliamentwas formed of persons representing each of the Daimiates,and designated for the position by the Daimios. It wasa mere debating society, whose function was to give adviceto the imperial government. How conservative the advicegiven by this body was may be measured by the fact that itrefused to recommend the abolition of the privilege of hari-kari,or of the custom of wearing swords. This Kogisholasted only for some months, being dissolved in the autumnof the same year in which it was created.

Soon after the suppression of the feudal system in Japan,the Daimiates, considered as administrative areas, were supersededby Prefectures. At first, the ex-Daimios were appointedPrefects, but most of them were soon found to beunfit for high executive office, and they have been graduallyreplaced by competent persons drawn from the Samurai class.It should further be noted that the extinction of feudalismimposed some onerous financial obligations. It was decidedthat each ex-Daimio, and each of the sub-feudatories thathad been dependent on him, should receive one-tenth of theincome which they had drawn from their fiefs. This incomewas to be free from any claim for the support of the Samuraiwho had formed the standing army in each clan. The centralgovernment undertook to make all payments to the Samuraifor services of any kind. The assumption of this burdencompelled the government to borrow $165,000,000. Inlieu of the pensions which they had formerly received, lump[367]sums were given to the Samurai, but these were soon squandered,and much poverty and want were eventually experiencedby the ex-feudal retainers. Among other remarkableevents which took place in 1871, should be mentioned theremoval of the ancient disqualification of the eta and heimin,whereby these pariah castes were placed on the samelegal footing as the rest of the population. In the followingyear, the first railway in Japan was opened. This was aline between Yokohama and Tokio. In 1873, the Europeancalendar was adopted, so far as the beginning of the yearand the beginning of the months are concerned. The yearis still reckoned, however, from Jimmu Tenno, which is 1873of the Christian era, and corresponds to the year 2533 of theJapanese era. Still employed occasionally, also, is the Meijiyear-period, which began in 1868.

From the beginning of 1872, the remodeling of the Japanesesystem of education was undertaken. In April ofthat year, the Mikado, Mutsuhito, visited the Imperial College,subsequently to be known as the Imperial University.The new buildings consisted of three wings, each 192 feetlong, joined to a main edifice 324 feet in length. The studentsin this institution soon numbered 350, taught by 20foreign professors. The foreign language school, in whichpupils learned English or some other European language,preparatory to entering the college, presently had 600 studentsand 20 foreign teachers. For educational purposes,the empire was divided into eight districts, in each of whicha university was contemplated, which was to be supplied by210 secondary schools of foreign languages. It was arrangedthat the elementary vernacular schools should number53,000, or one for every 600 persons in Japan. To theseelementary establishments were to be deputed native teacherstrained in normal schools. Before many years hadpassed, the school attendance was computed at threemillions.

During the year 1872, two legations and three consulateswere established abroad. Before long, the number was increased[368]to ten. The Japanese press quickly emerged fromthe realm of experiment and became a powerful civilizingforce. In the course of a few years, ten daily newspapersin the capital and 200 publications in the empire, equippedwith metal type and printing presses, began to flood thecountry with information and awaken thought. In the departmentof jurisprudence, also, great progress was made.Since the restoration of the Mikado to actual power, revisedstatutes have greatly decreased the list of capital punishments;the condition of the prisons has been ameliorated;legal processes have been improved from the viewpoint ofjustice, and the use of torture to obtain testimony has beenentirely abolished. Law schools were established, and toaccused persons was given the assistance of counsel for theirdefense. By the year 1874, there had been a great changefor the better in the diet, clothing, and hygienic protectionof the people. In the year named, there were in the empireone government hospital and twenty-one hospitals assistedby government grants, twenty-nine private hospitals, 5,247physicians practicing according to the principles and methodsof Western science, and 5,205 apothecaries. In 1875,there were 325 students in the medical colleges at Tokioand Nagasaki, and there were some twenty-five foreign surgeonsand physicians in the employ of the Japanese government.Public decency was improved and the standards ofChristendom approached. The sale of orphan female childrento brothel keepers, the traffic in native or Europeanobscene pictures, lascivious dances, the exhibition of nudesinging girls, the custom of promiscuous bathing in the publicbaths, and the toleration of nakedness on the part of therural coolies were brought to an end. Religious persecutionceased. All the native Christians who had been exiled orimprisoned in 1868-69 were set free and restored to theirvillages. We note, finally, that, as early as 1876, the fulfillmentof the promise made by the Mikado in 1868, that“intellect and learning should be sought for throughout theworld,” had been so far fulfilled that 400 foreigners from[369]many Western countries had been invited to occupy postsin the government civil service. In 1870, there had beennot ten Protestant Christians in the empire. By May, 1876,there were ten Protestant churches, with a membership of800 souls. In March of the year just named, Prime MinisterSanjo issued a proclamation abolishing the custom ofwearing two swords. This measure, which had been firstadvocated by Arinori Mori in 1870, now became law throughoutthe land. It was in August, 1876, that the commutationof the hereditary pensions and life incomes of the Samurai,which previously had been optional, was made compulsory.This act forced the privileged classes to begin to earn theirbread. In the same month, the empire was redivided andthe 68 Ken, or Prefectures, were reduced in number to 35.It was to be expected that the progressive course of theMikado’s Ministers would excite some disaffection. Therewere during this year some insurrections on the part notonly of discontented Samurai, but also of the farmers onwhom the burdens of taxation mainly fell. It was to redressthe grievances of the agricultural class that, in January,1877, the national land tax was reduced from 3 to 2½per cent, while the local tax, which had formerly amountedto one-third of the land tax, was cut down to one-fifth.About the same time, the salaries of nearly all the governmentofficers were diminished, several thousand office-holderswere discharged, the Department of Revision and the Prefectureof Police were abolished, and their functions weretransferred to the Home Department. An annual saving ofabout eight million dollars was thus effected, and the loss tothe Treasury from the curtailment of land taxation was madegood. In 1877, however, a great rebellion broke out inSatsuma, instigated by Saigo Takamori, who had beenformerly a marshal of the empire. After a contest of somemonths, the imperial authority was everywhere re-established,and Saigo, at his own request, was beheaded by oneof his friends. This insurrection represented the final strugglebetween the forces of feudalism and misrule against[370]order and unity. The contest cost Japan $50,000,000 andmany thousands of lives. In the ultimate treatment of therebels, the government displayed a spirit of leniency worthyof an enlightened state. Of upward of 38,000 persons triedin Kiushiu, only twenty were decapitated, about 1,800 werecondemned to imprisonment, and some 36,000 were pardoned.During the same year, 1877, the cholera broke out in Japan,but, owing to the enforcement of sanitary measures, therewere but 6,297 deaths.

The Mikado had now been governing Japan for ten yearsby means of an irresponsible Ministry. The oath which hehad taken at Kioto in 1868 to form a deliberative assemblyhad never been fully carried out. We have seen that theKogisho, or advisory body, called into existence in 1868,had been dissolved in the same year. Subsequently, in1875, a Senate had been established and an assembly of theken governors, or prefects, held one session. The meetingsof the latter body, however, were soon indefinitely postponed.Nevertheless, the era of personal government wasdrawing to a close. On July 22, 1878, a long step was takentoward representative institutions by an edict convoking provincialparliaments or local assemblies which were to sit oncea year in each ken or province. Under the supervision ofthe Minister of the Interior, these bodies were empowered todiscuss questions of local taxation, and to petition the centralgovernment on other matters of local interest. There wereboth educational and property qualifications of the franchise.Each voter had to prove his ability to read and write, and hemust have paid an annual land tax of at least five dollars.In October, 1881, the Mikado announced by a proclamationthat, in 1890, a Parliament would be established. In June,1884, an edict was issued readjusting the system of nobility.In the newly created orders of princes, marquises, counts,viscounts and barons, were observed the names of many menwho had once belonged to the class of Samurai, or gentry,but who had earned promotion by distinguished services onbehalf of their country. Three hundred persons, that may[371]be described as pertaining to the aristocracy of intellect, werethus ennobled on the score of merit. It was expected thatout of these newly created nobles would be constituted theupper house, or Chamber of Notables, in the Parliamentwhich was to come into being in 1890. In December, 1885,the triple premiership, the Privy Council and the Ministries,as they had been hitherto established, came to an end. Intheir place was created a Cabinet, at the head of which wasa Minister-President. The old government boards, togetherwith a new board, which was to supervise the post-office,telegraph and railway, were organized in such a way as todischarge many thousand office-holders. All the membersof the new Cabinet were men of modern ideas, and suchAsiatic features as the government had hitherto retainedwere now extinguished. By 1886, notable progress had beenmade in the applications of steam and electricity. Of railroadsthere were already 265 miles open, 271 miles in courseof construction, and 543 miles contemplated. Although theselines were built and equipped on British models, most of thesurveying, engineering and constructive work and all of themechanical labor were performed by natives. The trainsand engines were worked by Japanese; such light materialsas were made of wood and metal were manufactured in Japan,only the heavy castings, the rails and the engines beingbrought from Great Britain. The telephone and the electriclight were now seen in the large cities, and four cables connectedthe island empire with the Asiatic mainland. Alreadythe Japan Mail Shipping Company employed a large fleet ofsteamships and sailing vessels in their coasting trade and passengerlines. We add that, in 1885, the Postal Departmentforwarded nearly 100,000,000 letters and packages.

The Japanese had, for some time, recognized that educationis the basis of progress, and that their efforts for intellectualadvancement were seriously impeded by their use ofthe Chinese graphic system. They perceived that what theyneeded most of all was an alphabet. In 1884, the Roma-ji-Kai,or Roman Letter Association, was formed in Tokio,[372]and, within two years, had 6,000 members, native and foreign.As their name implies, their purpose was to supplantthe Chinese character and native syllabary by the Romanalphabet, as the vehicle of Japanese thought. It was demonstratedthat all possible sounds and vocal combinationscould be expressed by using twenty-two Roman letters. Itwas further proved that, by means of the Roman alphabet,a child could learn to read the colloquial and book languagein one-tenth of the time formerly required. Scarcely wasthe Roman Letter Association under way than it printed anewspaper, edited text-books, and transliterated popular andclassic texts in the appropriate characters of the Romanalphabet. By an imperial decree, issued in November, 1884,the English language was made part of the order of studyin the common schools. Meanwhile, the progress of Christianityacquired considerable momentum. Not only weremany converts made by Catholic missionaries, but, by theend of 1885, there were 200 Protestant churches, with amembership of over 13,000. In December, 1885, the Mikado’sCabinet was reorganized, and, during the next fouryears, Ito and Inouye were the principal molders of the nationalpolicy. In April, 1888, a new body called the PrivyCouncil was created, of which Ito became President, whileKuroda filled the position of Prime Minister. In this body,active debate upon the forthcoming Constitution began inMay of the year last-named, and proceeded until February11, 1889, when the long-awaited instrument was proclaimed.Exactly thirty-five years after the American treaty-ships appearedin sight of Idzu, the Mikado, Mutsuhito, took oathto maintain the government according to the Constitution,the documents defining which he, before an audience ofnobles, officials and foreign envoys, handed to Kuroda, theprincipal Minister of State. On this occasion, for the firsttime in Japan’s history, the Emperor rode beside the Empressin public. The one blot upon the record of the daywas the assassination of the Minister of Education, ArinoriMori, by a Shintoist fanatic.

[373]Let us glance at some of the features of Japan’s fundamentalorganic law. The Constitution proper consists ofsixty-six articles, but, simultaneously with it, two hundredand sixty-six expositionary laws were proclaimed. In thefirst place, the Mikado’s person was declared sacred and inviolable.In him continued to be concentrated the rights ofsovereignty, which, however, he was to exercise accordingto the provisions of the organic law. A Diet or Parliamentwas created to meet once a year, and to be opened, closed,prorogued and dissolved by the Emperor. Its debates arepublic. The Mikado’s Ministers may take seats and speakin either House, but are accountable, not to the Diet, but tothe Emperor alone. Bills raising revenue and appropriatingthe same require the consent of the Diet, but certain fixedexpenditures, provided for by the Constitution, cannot beabolished or curtailed without the concurrence of the Executive.To a large extent, the power over the purse is thuswithheld from the representatives of the people. The tenureof judges is for good behavior. The Upper House consistspartly of hereditary, partly of elected, and partly of nominatedmembers; the combined number, however, of the membersof the two last-named classes is not to exceed that ofthose who hold heritable titles of nobility. The House ofRepresentatives consists of about 300 members, who servefour years. For them there is a property qualification; theymust pay annually national taxes to the amount of fifteenyen or dollars. Those who elect them must also pay nationaltaxes to the same amount. Those persons who paytaxes to the amount of over five yen are entitled to vote formembers of the local assembly. These numbered, in 1887,about 1,500,000, whereas the electorate of the national Houseof Representatives numbered only about 300,000. We observe,lastly, that certain fundamental rights were guaranteedto the Japanese people. They have, for instance, theright of changing their domicile. Except according to law,they are not to be arrested, detained or punished. They arealso to enjoy the right of freedom from search, the inviolability[374]of letters, freedom of religious belief and the libertyof speech, petition, writing, publishing, association and publicmeeting within the limits of laws to be laid down by thenational Parliament.

The threefold election—namely, for a fraction of the UpperHouse, for the whole of the national House of Representatives,and for the local assembly—took place in July,1890. About eighty-five per cent of eligible voters availedthemselves of the franchise, and there was a great superfluityof candidates. It turned out at the ballot-box that to bein any way connected with government employment was toinvite almost certain defeat, while, on the other hand, fewof the old party leaders were chosen as standard-bearers inthe new Parliamentary field. We add that, on April 22,1890, a new code of civil procedure, and the first portion ofa Civil Code, were promulgated; since 1881, a new CriminalCode based on the principles of Western jurisprudence hasbeen in successful operation.

CHAPTER XIII
FOREIGN POLICY OF NEW JAPAN AND WAR WITH CHINA

It will be convenient to consider separately the foreignpolicy which was gradually evolved after the transformationof Japan that followed the Mikado’s resumption of actualpower. Scarcely had the Shiogoon been overthrown thanthe desire of conquest and expansion was reawakened. Representativesof the advanced school of Japanese ideas presentlymaintained that the national jurisdiction should includenot only Yezo, Saghalien and the Bonin islands, but alsoCorea and the eastern part of Formosa, the last claim beingbased upon settlements made by the Japanese. The Boninislands, first occupied by Ogasawara, a Daimio, in 1593, andvisited by a party of explorers from Nagasaki in 1675, hadbeen neglected by the Japanese for centuries, though long a[375]noted resort of whalers. In 1878, the islands were formallyreoccupied in the name of the Mikado, and a local governmentestablished by Japanese officers. Saghalien and theKurile islands had been a debatable ground between theJapanese and the Russians since 1790, and had been the sceneof a good deal of bloodshed. In 1875, Admiral Enomoto concludedat St. Petersburg a convention by which Russia receivedthe whole of Saghalien, while Japan obtained all theKurile islands. The large island of Yezo was administeredby a special department until the year 1882, when it wasdivided into three ken, or prefectures, which are governedlike the rest of the empire. Let us glance, next, at Japan’sassumption of sovereignty over the little island kingdom ofRiu Kiu, or Loo Choo, an assumption which subjected therelations between China and Japan to severe tension. Theseislands are strung like a long thread between Japan and Formosa.For many centuries, these islanders sent tribute toboth China and Japan. Toward the close of the sixteenthcentury, Hideyoshi demanded that they should pay tributeto Japan alone; but he never enforced his demands. In1609, Iyehisa, the Daimio of Satsuma, conquered the islands,and made their chiefs swear allegiance to his house and tothe Shiogoon. Between 1611 and 1850, no fewer than fifteenembassies from Riu Kiu visited Yedo to obtain investiturefor the island king, or to congratulate a Shiogoon upon hisaccession to power. The same policy, however, was pursuedtoward China also. After the revolution of 1868 the LooChoo islands were made a dependency of the Japanese empire,and the king acknowledged the Mikado for his suzerain.Some five years later, the Japanese reduced the kingto the status of a retired Daimio, and transformed Riu Kiuinto a ken, or prefecture. To this the islanders objected, andcontinued to send a tribute-junk to Ningpo, and imploredChina’s interposition. The Pekin government, on its part,considered that Japan, by its annexation of the Loo Chooislands, had wrongfully cut off a fringe of the robe of theMiddle Kingdom.

[376]Let us now glance at Japan’s connection with Formosa,before examining, somewhat in detail, her much more importantrelations to Corea. It was toward the end of 1873that a Loo Choo junk was wrecked on the eastern shore ofFormosa; the crew were killed by the savage inhabitantsof that region, and, as it was reported, eaten. The LooChoo islanders appealed to their hereditary suzerain at Satsuma,who referred the matter to Tokio. As it happened,China laid no claim to the eastern part of Formosa, and notrace of it appeared on the maps of the Middle Kingdom.In the spring of 1874, the Mikado dispatched Soyejima asEmbassador to Pekin, and his representative there obtainedan audience with the Chinese Emperor. The Tsungli Yamendisclaimed responsibility for eastern Formosa, and concededthe right of Japan to chastise the savages there. WhileSoyejima was absent in China, a Japanese junk was wreckedin Formosa, and its crew were stripped and plundered. Onthe return of the Embassy, 1,300 Japanese soldiers, under thecommand of Saigo Yorimichi, were ordered to avenge theoutrage, and, after a few skirmishes with savages, they proceededto occupy the eastern part of Formosa. There theybuilt roads, organized camps, and directed fortifications inaccordance with the principles of modern engineering andmilitary art. Incited, it is said, by foreign influence, theChinese government now began to urge its claims upon thewhole of Formosa, and to denounce the Japanese as intruders.For a time war seemed inevitable, but the result of thenegotiations, intrusted to Okubo, who was sent to Pekin,was that the Chinese paid an indemnity of $700,000, and theJapanese evacuated the island. The abortive expedition hadcost Japan $5,000,000 and seven hundred lives.

Japan’s relations with Corea were to have much moremomentous consequences. During the Tokungawa period,the so-called Hermit Kingdom had sent regularly embassiesconveying homage to Japan; but, not relishing the changewhich the latter country underwent in 1868, disgusted at thedeparture of the Mikado’s government from traditional ideals,[377]and emboldened by the failure of the French and Americanexpeditions against her own territory, Corea sent to Tokioinsulting letters, in which she taunted Japan with slavishtruckling to the foreign barbarians, and declared herself anenemy. This incident, which took place in 1872, renderedthe project of a war with Corea extremely popular in theJapanese army and navy. Some years, however, were toelapse before an armed contest took place between the twocountries. In 1875, Mr. Arinori Mori was dispatched toPekin, and Kuroda Kiyotaka, at the head of some men-of-war,entered Corean waters. The twofold diplomatic andnaval demonstration was crowned with success. A treatyof peace, friendship and commerce was concluded betweenJapan and Corea on February 27, 1876. In pursuance ofthis treaty, Japan, in 1876, secured the opening of the portof Fushan to her trade, as compensation for an outrage perpetratedon some of her sailors. In 1880, Chemulpo, theport of Seoul, the Corean capital, was also thrown open toJapanese commerce. The activity of the Japanese gaveumbrage to the court of Pekin, and, in 1881, a draft commercialtreaty was drawn up by the Chinese authorities, inconjunction with the representatives of the principal Westernpowers at the Chinese capital, and carried to Seoul for acceptanceby the American naval officer, Commodore Schufeldt.The treaty, being recommended by China, was, naturally,accepted by Corea. When the Japanese, however,observed that the Chinese were putting forward a pretensionto control exclusively the destinies of the Hermit Kingdom,they determined to assert their old claim to an equal voicewith China in the Corean peninsula. They allied themselveswith the so-called progressive party in Corea, andthus forced China to link her fortunes with the reactionists.

Except among the reformers, who constituted but a weakminority of the Corean population, the Japanese were farfrom popular in the Hermit Kingdom, and, in June, 1882,the reactionists attacked the Japanese Legation, murderedsome of its inmates and compelled the survivors to flee.[378]Thereupon, the Japanese sent a force to exact reparation,while the Chinese, on their part, sent a force to restoreorder. A temporary accommodation was effected, but, fortwo years, Chinese and Japanese soldiers remained close toone another under the walls of Seoul. In December, 1884,a second collision occurred between the Japanese and Coreans,the latter being aided this time by the Chinese. Thefirst named were compelled to flee. The Tokio governmentobtained reparation for this fresh outrage, but, notsatisfied therewith, it dispatched Count Ito to Pekin to bringabout some permanent arrangement. There is no doubtthat, at this time, the Chinese occupied a much strongerposition in Corea than did the Mikado’s subjects, but theadvantage was thrown away by an agreement which tiedChina’s hands and had far-reaching consequences.

Li Hung Chang was appointed Plenipotentiary to negotiatewith Count Ito, and a convention was signed by themat Tientsin, on April 18, 1885. It provided, first, that bothcountries should recall their troops from Corea; secondly,that no more officers should be sent by either country to drillCorean soldiers; and, thirdly, that if, at any future time,either of the parties to the convention should decide to senda force to Corea, it must straightway inform the other. Bythis compact, China acknowledged that Japan’s right to controlCorea was on a level with her own, and it was henceforthunreasonable for the Pekin authorities to speak ofCorea as a vassal State. For nine years after the conclusionof the Tientsin Convention, peace prevailed in the HermitKingdom. In the spring of 1894, however, the Tong Haks,a body of religious reformers, broke into open rebellion, and,toward the end of May, obtained a considerable success overthe troops of the Corean Government. China was at oncerequested to dispatch a force to save the capital, and, by the10th of June, 2,000 Chinese soldiers were encamped at Asan,a port some distance to the south of Seoul. A few Chinesemen-of-war were also ordered to cruise off the Corean coasts.In pursuance of the terms of the Tientsin Convention, notification[379]of the dispatch of these forces to Corea was given tothe Tokio government, which, having had equal rights concededto it, was resolved to exercise them with promptitudeand vigor. Within forty-eight hours after the arrival of theChinese at Asan, the Japanese had placed a far superiornumber of soldiers at Seoul, and of ships at Chemulpo. Theythus secured complete possession of the capital and of thecourt, although both had been in thorough sympathy withChina. To avert an insurrection in Seoul, it was thoughtneedful to secure the person of the King of Corea, and hispalace was, accordingly, captured by the Japanese, and theruler of the peninsula converted into their tool or ally. Hewas, forthwith, required to put his seal to a document orderingthe Chinese troops, who had come at his invitation, toleave the country. This seizure of the King’s person tookplace on July 23, 1894. Two days later, the Japanese squadronattacked the transport “Kowshing” and some armedvessels which were convoying it. In the ensuing engagement,one Chinese man-of-war was sunk, one was disabled,and 1,200 soldiers went down with the “Kowshing.” Onthe same day, the Japanese General Oshima left Seoul witha small force to attack the Chinese camp, which had beentransferred from Asan to Song-hwan, a strongly fortifiedposition. The place was carried on July 29 by a night surprisewith a loss to the Chinese of 500 killed and wounded;the remainder of the force then retreated to Pingyang, a townnorth of Seoul, on the main road to China. These encounterswere followed by a reciprocal declaration of war betweenChina and Japan on August 1, 1894. There ensued a lull inhostilities, during which Japan poured her troops into Corea,while the Chinese fleet remained inactive in the harbors ofWei-hai-Wei and Port Arthur. About the beginning ofSeptember, a Japanese force of 13,000 men under GeneralNodzu was ordered to attack the strong position occupied bythe Chinese at Pingyang. The assault was delivered on May15, and the Chinese were compelled to retreat with a loss of2,000 killed, in addition to the wounded and prisoners. The[380]sturdiness of the defense at certain points was attested bythe fact that the victors themselves lost 633 killed, woundedand missing. The capture of Pingyang resulted in theChinese evacuation of Corea.

While the fighting was taking place on land at Pingyang,the Chinese fleet, under the command of Admiral Ting, wasconveying troops to the mouth of the Yalu River, the northwesternboundary of Corea, where the Chinese were collectinga second army. Returning from the fulfillment of thistask, the fleet was encountered off the island of Hai Yangon September 17, by a Japanese squadron under AdmiralIto. The naval combatants were nearly equal in strength,each numbering ten war vessels; two of the Chinese ships,however, were superior in armament. The result of theaction was that five of the Chinese torpedo-boats were destroyed,and the total loss of the Chinese in killed andwounded was 1,000, while that of the Japanese was but 265.

The Japanese, having been re-enforced by a considerablebody of soldiers under Marshal Yamagata, began their forwardmovement from Pingyang early in October, 1894, andon the 10th of the month reached the Yalu, where theyfound a considerable Chinese army posted on the northernbank of the river. After a merely nominal resistance, however,the Chinese officers and soldiers abandoned their fortificationson October 25 and 26, thus allowing the Japanese tocapture an enormous quantity of war materials, includingseventy-four cannon, over 4,000 rifles and more than 4,000,000rounds of ammunition. While Marshal Yamagata wasforcing the passage of the Yalu, another Japanese armyunder Marshal Oyama had landed on the Liau-tung, orRegent’s Sword peninsula, with the view of assailing thegreat naval station of Port Arthur. The natural and artificialstrength of this place was great; over 300 guns werein position, and the garrison numbered at least 10,000 men,while the assailants did not exceed 13,000, although, ofcourse, they were materially aided by their fleet. Havinglanded at the mouth of the Hua-yuan River, about 100 miles[381]north of Port Arthur, the Japanese pushed southward andcaptured the well-fortified city of Chinchow without losing aman. On the next day, they had a similar experience atTalien-wan, where they found over 120 cannon, 2,500,000rounds of artillery ammunition, and nearly 34,000,000 riflecartridges. On November 22, 1894, the Japanese army andfleet made a concerted attack upon Port Arthur, and, withthe loss of eighteen men killed and 250 wounded, gained possessionof a naval stronghold on which $20,000,000 had beenspent. During the following month of December, the forceunder Marshal Yamagata advanced into Manchuria, but herethey were confronted by a fresh Chinese army, which hadbeen assembled to defend Mukden, the old Manchu capital,and which evinced a good deal of courage. In one fight atKangwasai, the Japanese experienced a loss of 400 men, andthe subsequent capture of Kaiping cost them 300 killed andwounded. About the middle of January, 1895, the energiesof the Japanese were turned against the naval fortress ofWei-hai-Wei, which is situated on the northern coast of Shantung,opposite Port Arthur, and constitutes, with the last-namedplace, the keys of the Gulf of Pechili. After landing,on January 20, at Yungchang, a little west of the placeto be attacked, the Japanese, six days later, appeared at thegates of Wei-hai-Wei. The place was defended not only bya semicircular line of forts and batteries and two fortifiedislands in the bay, but also by the Chinese fleet under AdmiralTing, which comprised nine large vessels, besides sixsmall gunboats and seven large and four small torpedo-boats.The attack began on January 29, and continued for threeweeks; nor would Admiral Ting, even then, have consentedto surrender, had he not received a telegraphed message fromLi Hung Chang to the effect that no help need be looked for.After the terms of surrender were agreed upon, the Chineseadmiral committed suicide. After the fall of Wei-hai-Wei,the Japanese in Manchuria continued their advance, andcaptured the twin city of Newchang, thus placing themselvesbetween Mukden and the Chinese capital. When[382]spring was about to open, they possessed an army of 100,000men, ready to move upon Pekin, and there is no doubt thatthey could have taken the city speedily and easily. Twomonths previously, the Chinese had sent to Tokio a pretendedpeace mission with inadequate powers, but now thePekin government, recognizing the impossibility of resistance,appointed Li Hung Chang plenipotentiary, and dispatchedhim to Shimonoseki, which he reached on March 20,1895. Luckily for the success of his mission, he was shot inthe cheek by a fanatic four days after his arrival, while hewas returning from a conference with Count Ito, the representativeof Japan. This outrage aroused great sympathyfor Li Hung Chang, and, to prove the sincerity of his regret,the Mikado consented to an armistice, and sensibly modifiedthe terms of peace upon which he had originally insisted.On April 17, 1895, the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed,and, on May 8, the ratifications were exchanged at Chefoo.The provisions of the treaty may be briefly summed up asfollows: The Chinese were to surrender the islands of Formosaand the Pescadores, and also, on the Asiatic mainland,the southern part of the province of Shingking, including theRegent’s Sword peninsula, and, of course, the naval fortressof Port Arthur. By way of pecuniary indemnity, Chinawas to pay 200,000,000 Kuping taels, or, say, $170,000,000,in eight installments, with interest at the rate of five percent on those unpaid. The commercial concessions were toinclude the admission of ships under the Japanese flag to thedifferent rivers and lakes of China and the appointment ofconsuls; and the Japanese were to retain Wei-hai-Wei untilthe whole indemnity had been paid and an acceptable commercialtreaty had been concluded. These terms were by nomeans excessive, in view of the completeness of the Japanesetriumph, but they gave great umbrage to Russia, which foresawthat the presence of the Japanese on the Regent’s Swordpeninsula would prove an obstacle to its plans of southwardextension through Manchuria, and to the attainment of anice-free port. Moreover, had the Japanese been suffered to[383]remain on the mainland of Asia, they, instead of the Russians,would have become preponderant at Pekin. Accordingly,the Czar’s advisers, having secured the co-operationnot only of their French ally, but also of Germany, proceededto make a diplomatic move, the aim of which was todespoil the Mikado of a part of the fruits of victory. Scarcelywas the ink dry on the Treaty of Shimonoseki, when Japanreceived from the three European powers just named a politerequest, which veiled, of course, a threat, that she shouldwaive that part of the Shimonoseki Treaty which providedfor the cession of Port Arthur and the Liau-tung peninsula.Japan would doubtless have repelled the demand, had shebeen assured of Great Britain’s support. But no assuranceto that effect was forthcoming from Lord Rosebery, thenBritish Prime Minister, and, accordingly, the Mikado consentedto resign his claim to the Liau-tung peninsula for theadditional indemnity of $30,000,000. The final installmentof the indemnity was paid in May, 1898, whereupon Wei-hai-Weiwas evacuated by the Japanese, and, soon afterward,was ceded by the Pekin government to Great Britain.

Since the compulsory revision of the Shimonoseki Treaty,the attitude of the Tokio Foreign Office has been marked bymuch reserve and dignity. Japan has employed the yearsthat have since elapsed, and the money received from China,in prosecuting extensive military and naval reforms. Nor isthe time distant when, with the warships built at home orpurchased in foreign shipyards, she will have a navy onlysecond to that possessed by Great Britain in the Far East,and will be able to place half a million thoroughly trainedand equipped soldiers on the mainland of Asia. In Corea,she has obtained increased freedom of action, Russia havingpractically waived her claims to ascendency in that country;Japan has turned the opportunity to account by building arailway from Chemulpo to Seoul, which should materiallyhelp her to maintain control of the Hermit Kingdom. Whatevermay be the Mikado’s ultimate intention, he has, as yet,given no conclusive proof of a wish to participate in the game[384]of partition now being played in China. No protest camefrom him when, toward the close of 1897, Germany seizedthe harbor of Kiao Chou, or when, on March 27, 1898, aconvention signed at Pekin gave the Russians the usufructof Port Arthur and Talien-wan. In September, however,the Marquis (formerly Count) Ito was dispatched as a specialembassador to the Chinese capital, for the purpose, asit is believed, but not positively known, of arranging an alliancebetween the Japanese and Chinese empires, whichshould put an effectual stop to further encroachments onthe part of Russia. Then occurred the palace revolution atPekin, whereby the young Emperor Kwangsu was virtuallydethroned, and the supreme authority usurped by the EmpressDowager, Tsi An. There being, thenceforward, nohope of effecting the desired arrangement, the Marquis Itoreturned to Japan, soon after which—namely, on October31—the homogeneous Ministry which had taken office inJune of this year—the first Ministry of the kind, by theway, since the establishment of the Constitution in 1889—wascompelled to resign, and was succeeded by an eclecticcabinet even more thoroughly representative of the Japanesedesire to play a great rôle in the Far East. On November6, an envoy deputed by the Mikado to present certain giftsto the Chinese Emperor insisted upon obtaining an audience,and thus succeeded in discovering that the unfortunateKwangsu was still living.

It remains to note that the Tokio Foreign Office has atlast succeeded in inducing the principal Western powers toabolish the exterritoriality clauses in their respective treaties,whereby their subjects were exempted from the jurisdictionof the Japanese tribunals. With the disappearance of theseclauses, which are still exacted not only in the case of China,Siam, Persia and Morocco, but also in the case of Turkeyand Egypt, the Mikado’s empire may be said to have takena recognized place among highly civilized nations.

[385]

CHAPTER XIV
TWENTIETH CENTURY JAPAN AND THE WAR WITH RUSSIA

The Period of Enlightened Rule—The Japanese Imperial Family—Semi-DemocraticGovernment—Social and Educational Conditions—Religionand Law—Industries and Commerce—European Influence—The AgriculturalClass—The Greater Japan—Japan and Asia—The Leader ofAsiatic Countries—Japan’s Development of Formosa—Her Influencein Siam—Her Interests in China—Japan and the Boxer Movement—JapaneseTrade in Manchuria—Japan’s Interests in Corea—The Anglo-JapaneseAlliance—Japan and the United States—Japan and Russia—RussianInterference with Japan in Manchuria and Corea—The DiplomaticGame with Russia—Outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War—Japan’sNaval and Military Strength—The Naval and Military Operationsat the Opening of War

Having taken her place as a power on an equality withthe great world-powers, Japan entered upon the TwentiethCentury as the leader of Asiatic nations in introducing moderncivilization. The year 1901, in the Japanese calendar,was called the Meiji Era, or Period of Enlightened Rule—afitting name for the first year of the New Empire in the newcentury. The electoral franchise had been extended, in 1900,to include all excepting certain uneducated persons in thelowest classes. The country was now divided politically intofifty Prefectures, Imperial Cities and Territories, in each ofwhich the people had a voice in the administration. Consistentwith her alliance with the great nations of Christendom,and with a constitutional government, the Japanesepeople now enjoyed, not only representative institutions, butalso local self-government, freedom of the press and of publicmeetings, and religious liberty. Behold Twentieth CenturyJapan, then, open to any and every religious faith; herpeople taking part in the government, and through the ImperialDiet, a representative body, wielding a direct influence;the right of petition, assembly, discussion, and publication,free and open; advocating free and untrammeled education[386]of her masses; and to the ambitious student lending a helpinghand to the attainment of the highest education.

The Japanese Imperial family, at the dawn of the twentiethcentury, had severed its connection with all the impracticableand æsthetic traditions of 2,600 years; and itsmembers permitted the people now to look upon their faces,meeting Japanese subjects face to face, without fear on eitherside. Even the Emperor, Mutsuhito, the one hundred andtwenty-second Mikado in direct descent of the dynastyfounded B.C. 660, is to-day a personage far different fromthe Mikado of 1804. Instead of the secluded monarch, whoseface was never seen by his subjects, the Mikado of 1904 appearsin public quite as freely as the King of England or thePresident of France. Three times a year he reviews histroops; he permits foreign visitors to be shown through hispalace; he receives distinguished foreigners in person; hedrives through the streets and parks daily. This monarch,not by force or by revolution, but voluntarily, surrendered tothe people many of his prerogatives. By the Mikado, in fact,more than by any statesman or party, Japan was recreated.

As for the Empress, Her Majesty, more than any Japaneseman, is responsible for the changed conditions surroundingJapanese womanhood. Toward the close of the nineteenthcentury she adapted modern ideas to Japanese customs, in sofar as they affected those of her sex. Instead of being arecluse, a prisoner, virtually a slave, with blackened teethand shaved eyebrows, like her predecessor of 1804, the Empressof 1904 appears frequently in public with her beautyunimpaired. She encourages, in every practical way, feminineeducation. She is a patron of many artistic and philanthropicenterprises and a member of the International RedCross Society. She is beloved by the people for her manygood and charitable deeds. Mainly through the influence ofthe Empress, then, the conditions surrounding Japanesewomen, with the dawn of the twentieth century, had changedfor the better. Formerly, the Japanese women had no rightswhatsoever. A wife was merely an Oriental chattel—she[387]could be sold or divorced as her husband willed. In 1899, however,rights which her husband was bound to respect, togetherwith her legal social status, were defined as follows: “A womancan now become the head of a family and exercise authorityas such; she can inherit and own property and manage it herself;she can exercise parental authority; she can act as guardianor executor and has a voice in family councils.”

The Crown Prince of Japan, Yoshihito—Prince of Haru-no-Miya—whowill succeed the present Mikado on the throne,followed his father and mother in the adoption of Westernideas and customs. Though he has never traveled outside ofJapan, he has ignored the traditions of his dynasty to an extentunheard of in any other Oriental country. His attendanceat the Nobles School in Tokio marked the beginningof the new era in Japanese education. For theretofore theImperial Princes were educated privately within the seclusionof the palace walls. The Crown Prince, however, recitedhis lessons with the children of the nobles and joined themin their games. In May, 1900, the Crown Prince, then in histwenty-first year, was married at Haru to the second daughterof Prince Kujo. His bride, Princess Sava-Ko, was then inher nineteenth year. As the future Empress of Japan, sheis now receiving an education that will fit her for the throne.

To conclude this mention of the Imperial family, it maybe stated that the Shogun, meantime, and all that he represented,had passed into history. The last of the Tokugawadynasty—referred to in a previous chapter—who abdicatedin 1867, was, in 1901, living in retirement in Tokio as a privatecitizen, riding a bicycle and otherwise evincing practicalapproval of the New Japan that had shouldered aside the OldJapan.

The new form of government in Japan was declared bystatesmen of the Liberal party to be only semi-democratic.Enlightened Japanese and students of Japan’s developmentasserted that Japan was hampered rather than helped by thissemi-democracy, and affirmed that the new order of thingswas a complete disappointment.

[388]“The representative assembly of Japan, so admirably arrangedin theory,” wrote United States Senator Beveridge,after a close study of the subject, “has more than once provedto be a vexatious interference with the far-seeing plans ofthe empire’s real statesmen. The floors of the Diet have frequentlybeen made rostrums from which demagogy hasshouted to the masses—a stage upon which candidates forapplause have outscreamed one another in playing the rôleof parliamentary conspicuity.”

All such criticism of the new form of government wasbased on comparison with that of European powers whoseperiod of development included centuries, while Japan’speriod of advancement covered barely half a century.Against the “disappointment” of students who had been educatedout of Japan, and of “enlightened Japanese” who hadtraveled abroad, stood the satisfaction of the great body ofpeople, whose source of satisfaction was the comparison ofconditions in their country at the beginning of the twentiethcentury with conditions at the opening of the nineteenth century.Conditions in Japan in the first years of the nineteenthcentury are given in detail in previous chapters of thiswork. In comparison with those conditions, it is now in orderto give the most important details of conditions one hundredyears later. It must be remarked, first, that all Japan’sreal advance took place during the last third of the nineteenthcentury, and that conditions in 1904 were the result, therefore,of the achievements of a single generation. It is notrecorded in history that any other nation advanced so far inso short a time.

In 1904, foreigners, instead of being feared, hated, andexcluded from the country, as in 1804, were invited to cometo Japan by the Government itself—to teach in Japaneseuniversities, to drill the Japanese army and navy, to advisein matters of administration, and to engage in trade. Thousandsof foreigners, then, of many different nationalities, notonly traveled in Japan, but resided there. On the otherhand, thousands of Japanese subjects were now seen in all[389]parts of the world; many were enrolled as students in Europeanand American universities; and many were residingin foreign countries as merchants and traders. In all theharbors of Japan were seen vessels flying the flags of manydifferent nationalities; while vessels carrying the Japaneseflag plied regularly between home ports and Asia, America,Europe, and Australia, conducting freight and passengerservice.

In 1904, too, the classes below the nobility had beenminimized to two—namely, the gentry and the commons.Even in these two classes the distinction was nominal. Onlyin official records, in the exercise of the elective franchiseand on certain other occasions, were the people required toregister their grade in the social or political scale. Asidefrom the nobility, caste had disappeared. Merit, not rank,was rewarded in public life; while in private life claim to respectlay in achievement and education rather than in one’sstanding as to class.

In education, a suggestion of the broadening process inthis field—from the mere study of the Japanese and Chineseclassics—is contained in the statement that one college inTokio, in its desire to attract students, took the name “Collegeof One Hundred Branches.” Studies in Japan now includeall Occidental as well as all Oriental branches. Withthe spread of education, with the learning of languages, cameforeign books. The study of the English language had beenmade compulsory in all schools, and with the advent of thetwentieth century thousands of students had learned alsoFrench, German, Spanish, Dutch, Russian, and Italian.Books in all these languages were imported, and librariesthroughout Japan now contained as many books in foreignlanguages as in Japanese. The dead languages, too—Greek,Latin, Hebrew, and Sanskrit—had become part of the curriculumof nearly all schools and colleges. Formerly, onlynobles, priests, and those of the military classes received aneducation. Now elementary education was free for all, theAmerican school system, with certain modifications, having[390]been put into effect throughout the Empire. Books in manydifferent foreign languages were also now printed within theEmpire, in printing-offices equipped with modern type,presses, and appliances. A large number of magazines werepublished in Tokio and Yokohama, and almost every townhad its local newspaper.

In religion, Japan in 1904 still remained a Buddhistcountry, yet Christianity had 125,000 enrolled believers.With religious freedom came Christian ministers, who builtChristian churches which were openly attended by Christianconverts, while a gospel ship cruised in the Inland Sea, seekingconverts among Japanese sailormen and fishermen.

Japan began the twentieth century with a system of lawand legal administration based on European models. Thecriminal law, for example, was based on the Code Napoleon.Trial by jury, however, had not yet been adopted. Therewere four courts—namely, Local, District, Appellate, andSupreme. The judges were appointed by the Emperor andheld office for life or during good behavior. Certain foreignersclaimed at this time that a European citizen stoodsmall chance of receiving justice in a Japanese court. To refutethese charges a Yokohama newspaper, the “Japan Mail,”made an examination of the courts there covering a period ofsix years, with the following result: Ninety-six cases broughtby Europeans. In eight a judgment partly in favor of eachparty; compromised and settled thirty-eight. Out of the remainingfifty, thirty-six were decided in favor of the foreignplaintiff and fourteen in favor of the Japanese defendant.These facts show that foreigners were treated fairly in, atleast, the courts of Yokohama.

In the world’s commerce, Japan at the beginning of thenineteenth century played so small a part that no record waskept of her exports or her imports. In the first year of thetwentieth century, the figures for Japan’s commerce showed$130,000,000 for exports and $140,000,000 for imports.At this time, next to the soldier, the merchant wasthe most important factor in Japanese society and civilization.[391]Formerly despised for trading for profit, the Japanesemerchant class now represented the complete change fromfeudal and æsthetic Japan to commercial and democraticJapan. The sword and the barracks were still first in Japaneseesteem, but the next highest honors belonged to the ledgerand the business office. Behind her new commerce lay Japan’snewly developed manufacturing industries. In the gardensof the Prince of Mito in Tokio was built a national arsenal.And all over the Empire, Japanese makers of things hadbuilt an immense number of manufacturing plants—engineworks, electrical apparatus manufactories, cotton, woolen,and paper mills, and iron foundries, dockyards, and shipyards.

As for modern means of communication, Japan beganthe present century with four thousand miles of railway, tenthousand miles of telegraph, and, in the Japanese capitalcity alone, sixty-five hundred telephones. Telegraph andtelephone bureaus in the Mikado’s palace placed the Emperorin direct communication with his entire Empire and withthe whole world. The jinrikisha remained the most popularlocal conveyance, principally because Japan lacked horses.But there were also horse-cars, stages, a few horses, and somecarriages, trolley-cars, and bicycles. In 1904, an electricrailway had even invaded Kyoto, once sacred to the Mikado.Trolley-cars even ran through the ancient domains of Shogunand Emperor, where once the peasant who even unwittinglystepped foot was arrested and ultimately beheaded.

In the three great necessities—food, clothing, and shelter—Japanbegan the twentieth century with a modern bill offare, with European dress, and with houses built and furnishedto some extent in Western fashion. Once a nation ofvegetarians, the Japanese diet now included anything andeverything to eat and drink known in Europe. Many familiesemployed foreign cooks, and great numbers of the commonpeople ate foreign food at least once a day. In 1904,the Empress of Japan received foreign visitors dressed preciselyas were dressed the European women in Tokio; that[392]is to say, in the latest Parisian gowns, with the addition ofthe latest Parisian millinery. The Emperor, too, abandonedthe kimono for trousers and frock coat; at least on publicoccasions. In short, European clothes were as common asight in the streets of the greater cities as native costumes,though in the rural districts the people still adhered strictlyto the costumes of their forefathers. In the matter ofhouses, the influence of foreign architecture was, in 1904,just beginning to be perceptible. Not that dwelling-houseswere built European style, but that Japanese architecturehad become somewhat modified by foreign architecture.Brick and stone were replacing wood in the construction ofresidences, stores, and offices. Paper in doors and windowswas giving way to glass; matting for floors was being replacedby rugs. And in rooms where formerly there wasnot one article of furniture—rooms in which the family satand slept and ate on the floor—there were now Europeanchairs, bedsteads, and tables. Where once the only light inthe house was furnished by a pith-wick floating in vegetableoil, or by lightning-bugs imprisoned in a bamboo-cage, therewere now lamps filled with oil from Russia or America, and,in the cities, gas and electric lights.

One class alone, in all Japan at the beginning of thepresent century, was still of the Japan of old. This wasthe agricultural class. Agriculture was still the chief pursuitof the common people. The soil, of volcanic origin, wasliberally fertilized, and yielded immense harvests. Thefarms were small, exceeding in few cases more than fifteenacres. Upon these few acres, however, a Japanese peasantsupported himself and his family, and even had somethingleft over after paying his tax-bills. The chief products forexport were rice, tea, and silk. It was in the method thatfarming remained the same as in years gone by. Very fewfarmers owned horses; in general, the farmers broke theground with a spade and cultivated it with a hoe. Of thisclass a traveler has said: “Left to the soil to till it, to liveand die upon it, the Japanese farmer has remained the same—with[393]his horizon bounded by his rice fields, his watercourses, or the timbered hills, his intellect laid away for safekeeping in the priest’s hands—caring little who rules him, unlesshe is taxed beyond the power of flesh and blood to bear.”

In the first quarter of the twentieth century, the Japanesepromised to make of their country that which they calledGreater Japan. Public opinion, in 1904, regarding Japan’simmediate future, as summed up by Japanese statesmen andby Japanese publicists, was as follows: “Japan is especiallyfavored by nature with beauty and picturesqueness of sceneryand a healthful climate, and has been appropriately calledthe ‘Paradise of the East.’ We shall turn this country intoa grand park of the nations, and draw pleasure-seekers fromall parts of the world. We shall build magnificent hotelsand establish excellent clubs, in most splendid style, to receivethe royal visitors of Europe and the millionaires ofAmerica.

“To all appearances, the seas about Japan and Chinawill be the future theatre of the Far East. The Philippineshave been reduced to a province of the United States. China,separated from us only by a very narrow strip of water, isoffering every promise of becoming a great resource open tothe world of the twentieth century. The Siberia railway hasbeen opened to traffic; and the construction of a canal acrossCentral America is expected to be finished before long....As for fuel, our supply of coal from the mines of Hokkaidoand Kiushiu is so abundant that the surplus, not requiredfor our own consumption, is exported largely into variousparts of the East, where no productive coal mines have beenfound except a very few ones of poor quality....

“Taking all these things into account, it is not too muchto say that the future situation of Japan will be that of acentral station of various water passages—a situation mostconducive to the good of our country; and that, numerous asthe attractive places of historical interest and natural beautyare, it is chiefly from our excellently advantageous position—aconnecting link common to the three chains of water passage[394]to and from Europe, America, and Asia—that we shallbe able to obtain the largest share of the riches of the nationsof the world.”

In the story of Japan’s interests and influence in Asia,in which are involved the events that led to the war withRussia, we will first explain the relationship of Japan toAsia from the Japanese viewpoint. The substance of theJapanese idea at this time was that the Japanese people regardedthemselves as the natural leaders in all Asiatic countriesin the introduction of modern civilization. The Japaneseagreed that the Chinese and Coreans, for example,could learn about civilization much faster and easier fromJapan than from the countries in Europe and America, forthey had a common system of letters, and to a certain extentcommon ideas. A Japanese professor is reported as saying:“It is the mission of Japan to set up an example of a civilizedand independent national state for her Asiatic neighbors,and then to make a confederation of all the Asiatic nationson the basis of international law; just as it is the mission ofthe United States of America to form one vast pan-AmericanUnion of all the republics of the new hemisphere, and thusto hasten on the progress toward the organization of the wholeworld.”

Supplementing which a Japanese editor is quoted as follows:“It is our duty to transmit the essence of Occidentalcivilization to our neighbors, as better success may be realizedby so doing than by introducing there the new institutionsdirectly from the West. The present state of things inChina does not allow her to appreciate fully the ideas ofWesterners, more so because their fundamental conceptionof morals is at variance with that of Occidentals. But Japanhas every facility to win the confidence of China, in considerationof its geographical situation and of its literary affinity.The valor, discipline, and order of our army have alreadygained the confidence and respect of the Chinese, andit now remains for us to guide them to higher possibilitieswith enlightened thoughts and ideas. Such a work can not[395]be accomplished in a day; it will require years of perseveranceand toil.”

After this citation of what the Japanese deemed to betheir mission and duty in Asia, let us see what Japan hasaccomplished in Asiatic territory already acquired. Formosa,as stated in the foregoing chapter, was ceded to Japan byChina after the Chino-Japanese War. In the first eightyears under Japanese rule, the revenue of the new territoryincreased many hundred per cent—from $1,500,000 in1896 to $12,000,000 in 1903. In 1897, Japan took a completecensus of the population, built 800 miles of roads andconstructed a tramway line from Takow to Sintek. Thiswas followed by the construction of a main line of railwaybetween principal cities, which now, in 1904, is open to passengerand freight traffic. Japan also laid down three cablesconnecting Formosa with Japan, Foo Chow, and thePesadores. In the interior of Formosa, Japan has sinceestablished a complete system of intercommunication bymeans of 1,500 miles of telegraph and telephone wires.She has opened over a hundred post-offices in Formosa, andletters can now be sent to any part of the Empire for twocents each. She has established nearly one hundred andfifty Government educational institutions in Formosa, onlya few of these being for Japanese, leaving the majorityfor natives. Japan has now twelve great Government hospitalson the island, at which more than 70,000 patientsare treated without charge every year. Japan has alsogiven considerable attention to Formosa in the matter offree vaccination and general sanitary precautions, and hasconsequently greatly reduced the danger from the frequentoutbreaks of smallpox and the plague. When the Japanesefirst took possession of Formosa in 1895, the peoplerose in rebellion against their new rulers. By 1904, however,Japan had restored peace throughout the island, asettled government had assumed full control and the island’sresources were being developed to their fullest extent.

Now to glance at Japan’s influence in Asiatic countries[396]not under Japanese rule. First of all, Siam. The SiameseCrown Prince, for example, after a visit to Japan, causeda Japanese building to be constructed for himself, while theKing ordered a Japanese house and garden to be added tohis palace grounds. Japan is in many ways, indeed, theteacher and leader of the Siamese. She sends teachers toSiam, and many Siamese boys and girls, on the other hand,are enrolled in schools in Japan. Japan also sends seeds ofraw materials to be grown in Siam, for to Japan Siamhas ever represented a source of food supply which wouldremain neutral in war-time. In 1904, Japan reaped thebenefit from all such influence and teaching and seed supply;for in that year, with the beginning of the Russo-JapaneseWar, Japan was able to depend upon Siam for vast reservesin food supplies.

In China, the interest of the Japanese, after the Chino-JapaneseWar, multiplied year by year. In 1897, a Japaneseconsulate was established at Foo Chow. In that yearthere were only eight Japanese residents in Foo Chow; in1904, the number has increased to three hundred, includingnatives of Formosa who have become naturalized Japanese.In Amoy, because of its position directly opposite northernFormosa, the Japanese have large interests. Further, onthe Yangtse River, there are Japanese lines of passengersteamers, Japanese steamers for the iron and coal trade, andother Japanese enterprises.

“Side by side with this development of carrying facilities,”says a traveler, “many Japanese, in the capacity of merchants,Government employees or projectors, may be seentraveling in the Yangtse Valley; and further the numberof persons engaged in the translation of Japanese booksinto Chinese has increased in an extraordinary degree....Nothing is more remarkable than the popularity enjoyedby Japanese things and Japanese subjects in China.”

The facts just mentioned typify the growing influence ofJapan in China at the time of the outbreak of the BoxerInsurrection in 1900. It should first be mentioned that in[397]1900 a General Missionary Conference, attended by delegatesfrom many branches of the Protestant and CatholicChurches, was held in Tokio. In that same year, whenChristianity was still sending missionaries to Japan to convertthe Buddhists, behold the “heathen” nation allied withthe armies of Christendom in a suppression of the BoxerMovement in the Chinese Empire. During that troublousyear, the Japanese not only helped to rescue Christian missionariesand Chinese converts from the fury of mobs andan uncontrolled soldiery, but those whom they had thussaved were transported free of charge to Japan and theregiven comfortable refuge until it was safe to returnto China. The principal distinct events of historicalinterest marking Japan’s connection with the suppressionof the Boxer uprising were as follows: On June 11, theChancellor of the Japanese Legation at Pekin was murderedby a Chinese mob. On June 17, the Japanese troops, withthe allied armies, captured the forts at Taku. On July13-14, the Japanese, again with the allies, took Tien-tsinby storm. On August 14, the Japanese, this time with thedivisions of the allied armies destined for the relief of Legationsand foreign residents, entered Pekin. Septemberfound the Japanese doing their full share in policing thedisturbed districts. The Boxer Movement soon after cameto an end, and the Chinese Imperial Court—which fled fromPekin at the beginning of the trouble—now returned to thecapital. Altogether, in quelling the disturbances which hadshocked the world, and particularly in raising the siege ofPekin, the Japanese played a brave and conspicuous partwhich, more than any of their previous military triumphs,helped to establish their right to a place on an equal footingamong the world-powers.

In 1901, only twelve months after the events just narrated,Japan’s trade in North China, especially in Manchuria,had increased more than in the twelve years previousto the Boxer uprising. In 1903, Japanese trade with Newchwangalone amounted to $8,000,000 and her trade with[398]all Manchuria to $12,000,000. And, from a commercialviewpoint, other parts of China as well as Manchuria hadbecome of great importance to Japan. A partial summaryof her achievements in the Chinese Empire at the beginningof 1904, by peaceable invasion, by the introduction ofmodern ideas and educational institutions, as given inthe “Chinese Recorder,” includes the following:

“1. The Agricultural College, established some years agoat Wuchang by the Viceroy Chang Chih-tung, and managedfor some time by an expert American, has now been givenover to Japanese management.

“2. The military school in Hangchau is taught wholly byJapanese.

“3. A large amount of translation work is done by theJapanese.

“4. Many Chinese students have been sent by ChangChih-tung during recent years to be educated in Japaneseschools for Chinese Government service.

“5. Influential Chinese newspapers, owned by Japanese,and advocating closer union between the two countries.

“6. One hundred Japanese students enrolled in theschools at Shanghai, studying Chinese and English.

“7. Formation of societies of Japanese in China to pushthe circulation in China of books on Western learning.”

At this time, then, every Japanese subject employed inChina, in whatever capacity, “was a centre diffusing the lightof liberalism.” The Chinese themselves acknowledged thatthey were led along their new path by the Japanese, who“have some degree of distant kinship with the Chinese.”That Japan was doing her duty in the way of helping Chinato the benefits of material civilization, that Japan was exertingher influence in China for good on high planes, isshown in the words of the most eminent Chinese scholar inAmerica, Dr. Hirth, professor of Chinese in Columbia University,New York City. Said he: “No capable observerof events in China since the Imperial Court returned toPekin can doubt that the Government has decided to adopt[399]the policy of Japan, which is to take the methods of Westerncivilization for their models. In directing the new movementin China, Japan is taking the lead over other foreignnations, and this, it is asserted, is due to her superior commandof the language.

“Moreover, every educated Japanese is imbued with theideas prevalent in Chinese literature, religious and political,and hence he has a different standing in the eyes of the Chinesefrom that of Americans and Europeans. China hasthus placed the work of educating the rising generation inthe hands of the Japanese as being less likely to destroy theold knowledge while familiarizing the students with the advantagesof the new.

“A National university has been established by the Emperorat Pekin, which it is calculated will be the model foreducational institutions all over the country. Recently aJapanese professor has been selected to draft a new code oflaws for the Empire. The reason why a Japanese was selectedfor this work in preference to an equally learned German,American, or Englishman, is because men who are bothwilling and capable of making due allowance for traditionalprejudices will never arise from a country where the studyof Chinese institutions is so much in its infancy as with allof us, except Japan.”

After the above consideration of Japan’s leadership inFormosa, Siam, and China, including Manchuria, there remainthe facts relating to Japan’s most important interestsin Corea. In the latter country, Japanese influence, at thebeginning of 1904, was felt even more widely and more potentlythan in any other part of Asia. In Corea, on January 1,1904, there were more than twenty thousand Japanesesubjects. These managed practically all the important commercialand educational enterprises in the kingdom. Byfar the largest part of Corea’s foreign trade—with respectto both imports and exports—was with Japan. Corea sentagricultural products to Japan, and imported Japanese manufacturedgoods. Japan also virtually controlled Corea’s[400]means of communication with foreign countries; for thepostal and telegraph offices in every open port in the kingdomwere in the hands of the Japanese. All Corea’s coastingtrade, also, was carried on by Japanese vessels; for Coreaherself had only an insignificant merchant marine. Practicallyall the railways were controlled by the Japanese whohad built them. Every bank of good standing was managedby Japanese. The fisheries and mining industries were conductedalmost entirely by subjects of the Mikado. Altogether,all the greatest business enterprises, of whatsoevernature throughout the kingdom, were conducted by the Japanese.In short, the Japanese represented the employers ofCorea, while the subjects of the Corean king composed thegreat body of employees.

So great were Japanese interests in China and Corea, thatthe question of the integrity of those countries, with “opendoors,” had become of vital importance to the Island Empire.To secure both integrity and “open doors,” Japan utilizedthe full power of her diplomatic genius to obtain an alliancewith Great Britain. Her endeavors in this directionwere highly successful. On February 12, 1902, was formedthe historical Anglo-Japanese Alliance to preserve the integrityof China and the independence of Corea. What led tothis greatest political event in 1902? this first alliancein history between a white nation and a yellow nation?What induced England to abandon her traditional policy of“splendid isolation”? Why did England break that policyfor the first time in many decades to ally herself with anOriental rather than an Occidental power? It is to be notedhere that Japan at this time called herself the England ofthe East, one historian—Diosy—referring to the matter thus:“Japan, geographically to the mighty continent of Asia whatGreat Britain is to the continent of Europe; Japan, an islandpeople with all the strength, mental and physical, that is theheritage of a nation cradled on the sea; Japan, by the necessitiesof her environment compelled to appreciate the importanceof sea-power; Japan, in short, the Britain of the Orient.”

[401]Japan’s first opportunity to back up this view of herself,by concrete demonstration, was furnished by the Boxer Movementin China. Even then, in 1900, Japan had in mind analliance with Great Britain; and now she determined to makethe best possible showing. So thoroughly, accordingly, didshe display her military and naval efficiency, so repeatedlydid her troops win laurels side by side with Europeantroops, that England was greatly impressed. It was by hertriumph during the Boxer uprising, indeed, that Japan confirmedher claim to recognition as a world power—a claimrecognized by the powers in 1899, but not reaching full completionuntil the signing of the Anglo-Japanese Conventionin 1902.

Second, the alliance was said to be the result of a naturalcommunity of British and Japanese interests in the East;that the two countries were now allies in fact, while formerlythey had only been allies in spirit; that Japan and Englandhad similar sympathies and similar policies in the East;and that therefore the convention was entirely voluntary,spontaneous, and natural.

Third, the alliance was popularly supposed to include thetwo greatest naval powers in the world, and as such it wassaid to represent a guarantee of peace in the Orient, and offairness in all matters relating to China and Corea. A Japaneseofficial, in his exaltation, said: “There is no power orcombination of powers that could make head against thisunion in the Far East; the attempt would be like spittingat a tiger.”

The signing of the convention met with popular disapprovalin England; but it was the occasion of great rejoicingin Japan. In every province in the Mikado’s empire feastswere held, the celebration being continued over a period often days.

One significant phase of public opinion regarding thealliance, was that to all intents and purposes it would includethe United States as a “silent partner.” An American historian,Ernest W. Clement, in his “Hand Book of Modern[402]Japan,” wrote: “It is well known that the convention wasshown at Washington before it was promulgated, and that itwas heartily approved by our Government. Practically,therefore, it is, in a very broad sense, an Anglo-Japanese Alliance.Certainly our interests in the Far East have beenand are identical with those of Great Britain and Japan; andall our ‘moral influence,’ at least, should be exerted towardthe purposes of that convention. Indeed, the Anglo-JapaneseAlliance should mean the union of Great Britain andthe United States with Japan to maintain in the Orient the‘open door,’ not merely of trade and commerce, but of allsocial, intellectual, moral, and religious reforms; the opendoor, not of material civilization only, but also of the gospelof Jesus Christ.”

It was natural that Japan should be eager for Americanassistance. When events foretold the coming war betweenRussia and Japan, the influence of the United States in internationalcouncils was so great that, as an ally, she wouldhave been welcomed by Japan, of course. Until the exactposition which the United States would take in regard toaffairs in the Far East was known Japan was nervous; forJapan understood that the policy of Great Britain as well asthat of France and Germany would be governed to some extentby that of America. As a government, however, thegovernment would take no part in the coming war, principallybecause the government, for the present, at least, couldnot see wherein American interests would be threatened.However, Japan asked the question pointblank: Would theUnited States assist Japan? The answer was an emphaticbut courteous “No.”

With the signing of the Anglo-Japanese Convention beganthe seventh great period in the Japan of the nineteenthand twentieth centuries—the period of Cosmopolitanism.Japan was no longer native Japan, or Asiatic Japan; she wasnow Cosmopolitan Japan. The sixth previous periods were:

I. Seclusion (1801-1853). II. Treaty-making (1854-1858).III. Civil Commotions (1858-1868). IV. Reconstruction[403](1868-1878). V. Internal Development (1879-1889).VI. Constitutional Government (1889-1904).

The Anglo-Japanese Alliance was presumably a proofthat both the nations signing the convention regarded thepresence of Russian troops in Manchuria and Russian aggressionin the East generally as a genuine, threatening, andimmediate source of danger—danger to British and Japanesetrade. The facts concerning Russia’s interference withJapan were these: The Russian military forces which werestationed throughout Manchuria, in 1900, to suppress theBoxer Movement, had remained on Manchurian soil. In1901, Japan and other European powers began pressing thePekin Government to order the Russian forces out of Manchuria.Finally, on April 8, 1902, Russia and China signeda convention at Pekin, wherein Russia agreed to evacuateManchuria by the 8th of October. In the meantime, however,through astute diplomatic procedure on the part of Russia,the Convention of April 8th “lapsed,” and on October8th, consequently, there was as great a number of Russiantroops in Manchuria as on April 8th. It was the “lapse” ofthe Convention of April 8th that aroused the Japanese nationto the fact that she would have to deal sternly with Russia;else Russia, secure in Manchuria, would assume a like positionin Corea, and thus prepare the way for Russian armedinvasion of Japan. A Japanese statesman referred to Coreaat this time as “an arrow with the point aimed at our heart.”“The absorption of Manchuria by the Russians,” continuedthe statesman, “renders the position of Corea precarious.Corea is life or death to Japan. For the safety of my countryI insist that it shall become Japanese, and upon that insistenceevery subject of the Mikado is willing to lay downhis life.”

Corea represented for Japan, indeed, a territorial outletfor her already congested population. Still further, Japanfeared for her enormous material interest in Corea—herrailways, banks, and trade, already mentioned. Russia’s interestin Corea, at the same time, lay in the fact that in Corea,[404]as in Manchuria, were ice-free ports, or doors for the greatcage called the Russian Empire. With the Russians in Manchuria,Japan’s vast interests in Corea were believed to be soseriously imperiled that Japanese diplomats in St. Petersburgwere ordered to insist to the end upon the evacuationby the Russians of Manchuria.

To all the representations of the Japanese Government,the Russian Government gave no heed, but proceeded withher railroad construction and her colonization in Manchuria,regardless of Japanese protestation. On May 8, 1903, thelargest Russian force that had entered China since 1900 occupiedthe province of Newchwang, Manchuria. And on October29, 1903, the Russian troops entered Mukden, Manchuria,and established there a military base. From that dayonward, both countries understood that war was inevitable,both sides prepared for the conflict. In the coming struggleRussia counted upon the assistance, if needed, of France,with whom she had formed an alliance similar to that ofJapan’s with England.

On the 1st of February, 1904, the prolonged tension betweenthe two countries reached a climax. Diplomatic noteshad been exchanged in vain; diplomacy had done all it could.At a Cabinet conference in Tokio, hope of peace was practicallyabandoned, for the reason that while Russia was unreasonablydelaying her reply to the last Japanese note, she wasdaily increasing her warlike activities. When this long-awaitedRussian document was sent to the Russian Ministerat Tokio, it was never delivered. It was known in advancethat Russia partly conceded the demand of Japan in Corea,but would not place herself on record as recognizing the sovereigntyof China in Manchuria. Nor would Russia evendiscuss these questions with Japan. On Saturday, February6th, at four o’clock in the afternoon, M. Kurino, the JapaneseMinister at St. Petersburg, called personally to informthe Russian Government that in view of the futility of negotiationsJapan deemed it useless to continue diplomatic relations,and that Japan would take such steps as she deemed[405]proper for the protection of her interests. Thereupon M.Kurino asked for his passports. A few hours later the RussianMinister to Japan prepared to leave the Island Empire.

Twenty-four hours later, forty Japanese transports wereloaded with troops to be landed at various points in Corea.A naval division sailed from Japanese waters for Chemulpoand another for Port Arthur, and the first landing force wasdisembarked at Masanpo, Corea. It was to be a war for masteryon the Continental shore of Asia, and Japan invitedthe war with open defiance.

Before beginning the story of hostilities, it may be wellto give the facts concerning Japan’s naval and militarystrength. Her naval strength had for several years beensuch that European nations marveled. Joseph Chamberlain,England’s Colonial Secretary, had said of Japan’s navy:“Any foreign power that should venture to attack Japan inher own waters would be strangely advised.” With her splendidlyequipped arsenals and dockyards, with her abundantsupply of coal, with the number and fighting strength of herships, with the proved efficiency of her naval officers, withher perfection of naval organization, with the esprit de corpsof the personnel of her navy—Japan at the beginning of1904 was indeed a naval power which any European countrymight respect. Of this naval power Arthur Diosy, in the“New Far East,” said: “Japan possesses all the elements ofsea-power: swift, powerful ships, adapted to the work theyare intended for, numerous good harbors, excellent coal inabundance, capital facilities for the repair of her vessels,and the necessary plant, constantly augmented and improved,for building new ones. Her naval organization is wise andefficient, her administrative services are thorough and honest;her naval officers are gallant, dashing, and scientificallytrained, and the armament they control is of the latest andbest pattern. Strong in ships, strong in guns, Japan isstronger still in the factor without which ships and guns areuseless—‘the Man behind the Gun.’”

As for her military strength, Japan’s army was conceded[406]by military authorities to be the finest “land fighting machine”east of Germany. “Their tactics,” wrote SenatorBeveridge, in his “Russian Advance,” “are almost whollyGerman, even to the artificial and exhausting ‘goose step’ onparade. Indeed, the Japanese army is a perfect machine,built on the German model, but perfected at minute pointsand in exquisite detail with the peculiar ability of the Japanesefor diminutive accuracy and completeness. The Japanesearmy, regiment, company, is ‘built like a watch,’ andeach Japanese soldier is a part of this machine, like a screwor spring or disk, with this exception—every soldier is capableof being transformed into another part of this complexyet simple mechanism.”

At midnight, Monday, February 8, the first shot in thewar was fired. Waiving entirely the formality of a declarationof war, Japan ordered her finest fleet, under AdmiralTogo, to Port Arthur. There, in the outer harbor, the fleetsuddenly appeared and sent in a flotilla of torpedo-boats toattack the Russian warships which lay at anchor underthe guns of the forts. For this unexpected attack the Russianswere ill-prepared. Many of the officers of the shipswere ashore at places of amusement. None of the Russianships was even stripped for action. With the onslaughtof the torpedo-boats, therefore, the Russian fleet, underAdmiral Stark, was thrown into the utmost confusion. Defeatensued. Two Russian first-class battleships weretorpedoed and beached, and a Russian cruiser was torpedoedand sunk. The Japanese torpedo-boats escaped unharmed.In this attack, the Russians reported two men killed and thirteenwounded. The Japanese reported no losses.

Russia at the time claimed treachery on the part ofJapan for attacking her ships prior to a declaration of war.Experts on international law, however, agreed that under circumstancessuch as then existed either nation might attackas Japan did. All diplomatic relations had ceased, affairshad reached an acute stage, each country was preparing forwar, and the experts declared that it was unnecessary for[407]either country to await a declaration of war before strikingthe blow.

The next day, February 9, the Japanese fleet of sixteenvessels returned to Port Arthur and opened a bombardmenton the Russian ships and forts. The Russian return-firewas ineffectual. During this bombardment one Russian battleshipand three cruisers were damaged below the waterline. The Russian commanders also reported two officersand fifty-one men wounded, and nine killed.

That same day, February 9, a division of the Japanesefleet consisting of three cruisers, four gunboats, and eighttorpedo craft, under the command of Admiral Uriu, approachedthe harbor of Chemulpo, Corea. Two Russian cruisers,one of them the Variag, of the first class, the other aninconsiderable fighting unit, the Korietz, were given untilnoon to come out of the neutral port. In the harbor wereFrench, British, Italian, and American cruisers, whose crewscheered the craft to sea like the crowds at a football game.Four miles out the battle began. The Russians were smotheredby weight of metal, and after being crippled and set onfire, crawled back to the harbor where they blew up and sank.The Variag lost 30 men and 7 officers killed and 42 wounded,while the Japanese reported no losses.

Altogether in these first engagements of the war, ten Russianships were put out of action, while the Japanese vesselssuffered little damage and reported no loss of life. Thebest ships of the Russian fleet were now out of the problemof attack against Japan; and Japan felt free to pour hertroops into Corea.

Admiral Togo, however, continued to blockade and harassPort Arthur, at the same time sending a small squadron tohover off Vladivostok, and hold in check the Russian cruisersthere. The Japanese control of the sea was so complete bythis time that preparations were made to resume the mailsteamer service between Shanghai and Japanese ports withoutconvoy, and to return several of the liners, which hadbeen taken as auxiliary cruisers, to their regular runs across[408]the Pacific and to Australia. Such were, in brief, the navaloperations during the first month of the war.

The land operations of the same period included no engagementsthat might be called battles. The Japanese landedtwenty thousand men on Russian territory, south of Vladivostok;and a similar number of men had been landed on theeast coast of Corea. Thus Japan began a flank movement,whose objective was the isolation of Vladivostok; while atthe same time other troops advanced toward Harbin, in Manchuria,where the Russians occupied a strategic position.During this time the Russian and Japanese outposts clashedrepeatedly near Ping-yang in northern Corea. On March1st, the Japanese General Staff left Japan for Corea, and afew days later the landing and the mobilization of the Japanesearmy in Corea was complete.

In the first week in March, Japan announced that atreaty had been made with Corea which recognized the entityof that kingdom, included guarantees against absorption byJapan or Russia, and virtually established a protectorate,such as England held in Egypt. Corea became an ally ofJapan by the terms of this treaty.

At the end of the first month of the war both combatantshad settled down to the most thorough preliminary campaign,for the establishment of bases and lines of communication,before their armies swung into battle line. Such was thewar situation in the Far East in March, 1904, when throughoutthe world it was feared that the Russo-Japanese Warwould end in a world war, or in a conflict involving, at least,Japan’s ally, England, and Russia’s ally, France. Friendsof the Japanese put the matter thus: “Russia and Japancan not both breathe freely in the Orient. One or the othermust be cramped in opportunity and warped in development.Each is acting upon the law of self-preservation, not as a pretext,but as an immediate, pressing necessity. If Russiawins, Europe becomes rapidly more like Asia. If Japan isthe victor, the continent of so many glories may have a futureof its own.”

[409]

CHAPTER XV
THE WAR WITH RUSSIA, AND JAPAN A WORLD POWER

War Operations on Land—Four Great Japanese Armies in the Field—TheSiege and Capitulation of Port Arthur—Operations of the Navy—TheAnnihilation of the Russian Fleet—Terms of the Treaty ofPortsmouth—Treaty of Alliance with England—Financial Troublesin Japan and Riotous Demonstrations against the Government—SupplementaryTreaty with Russia—Government Control in CoreaTransferred to Japan—Abdication of the Corean Emperor and aJapanese Resident-General Appointed—Attacks on Japanese on theUnited States Pacific Coast—General Arbitration Treaty with theUnited States

With the striking of the first blows to check Russia’sadvance, Japan at once became master of the situation in theFar East and remained master till the end of the war throughrepeated victories on land and sea. Japanese progress andexpansion had been imperiled by Russia’s occupation ofManchuria and by Russian aggression in Corea, these twocountries being the very territory needed by Japan for heroverflowing population. Therefore, behind national pride inthe splendid achievements of the Japanese army and navy,was national instinct of self-preservation. Corea and Manchuriawere to Japan national necessities; and so Japan beganridding herself of the menace of Russia in territory thatthe Japanese regarded as being logically their own sphere ofinfluence. Japan won; and, by reason of victory, became aworld power, to dominate in the East for years to come.

The last week of February, 1904, found General Kuroki,commanding the Japanese First Army in the East, with hisforces concentrated along the Yalu River that separates Coreafrom Manchuria. General Kuroki had already occupiedPing Yang, and now was ready to begin the forward movementagainst the Russian army under General Kuropatkin.

[410]March and April witnessed the steady advance of theJapanese First Army, Kuroki having crossed the Yalu Riverwith three divisions to attack divisions of Kuropatkin’s armyunder General Sassulitch and others. On May 1st, the firstserious blow was struck, at Kiu-lien-cheng, when Kurokidrove the Russians out of that place. The Japanese immediatelyfollowed up this victory with another—driving theRussians from their position north of Kiu-lien-cheng, towhich they had retreated. The losses in these two engagementswere (officially) 2,397 officers and men of the Russianforces; and (unofficially) 800 officers and men of the Japanesearmy.

On May 7th, Kuroki captured another town, Feng-wang-cheng,the Russians retreating without giving battle. Thefirst setback to the Japanese in the war came with defeat inan engagement with Cossacks north of Feng-wang-cheng,May 18th.

Eight days later (May 26), however, the almost monotonoussuccession of victories that characterized the movementof the Japanese armies throughout the war was resumedwith a victory at the great battle of Kinchow and NanchanHill. This was the first really notable pitched battle of thewar. After sixteen hours of continuous fighting, the Russiansbegan a precipitous retreat, pursued by the Japanese.

The casualties on both sides were very heavy, those ofJapan being estimated at between 3,500 and 4,300 killedand wounded. The Russians left 704 dead on the field atNanshan Hill alone—the bodies being buried by the Japanesesome two weeks later (June 12). Altogether the Russiantotal loss in killed and wounded was 2,600. TheJapanese reported the capture (during the Kinchow andNanshan Hill engagements and in the minor engagementsthat were taking place simultaneously), of 600 prisoners, 21guns, 1,000 rifles, and 350,000 rounds of ammunition. Thisgreat victory was the first of the many to be celebrated inJapan with joyful popular demonstrations.

On May 30th, the Japanese attacked and defeated 2,000[411]Cossacks at Ai-pien-men; and on the same day, General Oku,commanding the Japanese Second Army, reported to hisGovernment that he had occupied the port of Dalny, whichthe Russians had evacuated after destroying a large part ofthe town. General Oku reported, however, that the docks,piers, and railroad station, were not seriously damaged.

Meanwhile (May 23 to 26), the Japanese Third Army,under General Nodzu, engaged in a series of battles with theRussian forces (under General Fock) which General Stoesselhad sent out from Port Arthur to attempt to restore the lineof communication between the besieged city and Mukden.

Fifty thousand men of General Oku’s Second Armycaught a large body of Russians under General Stakelbergin ambush, near Telissu, on June 14th, and a battle ensuedin which the Russians lost 4,300 men and the Japanese 1,100.Thus the Japanese thwarted one more attempt of the Russiansto move to the relief of Port Arthur, General Stakelberghaving concentrated his troops on the line of railroadleading to the besieged city. The Russians now fell backupon Kaiping, but the Japanese drove them from that position,July 9th. Meantime, the Third Army under GeneralNodzu had effected a junction with Kuroki, and together thetwo armies advanced to Sunachen and there again defeatedthe Russians, after a two hours’ battle. A Fourth JapaneseArmy had taken the field, and Field Marshal Oyama wasplaced in supreme command of all Japanese operations.

Now came another notable defeat of the Russians. Ina desperate attempt to prevent the separation of their forces,20,000 Russians, under General Keller, unsuccessfully attackedthe Japanese at Fenshiuling (July 17), and thenretired to a strong position on the Yantze Pass. On July23d, General Oku advanced to the attack on Yinkow, andcompelled the Russians to abandon the place. Furthermore,on July 31st, the Japanese, after a desperate fight,drove the Russians under General Keller from their positionon Yantze Pass. General Keller was killed and his men fellback to Liaoyang. Simultaneously, Generals Oku and Nodzu[412]combined in an attack on the Russians at Haicheng (August2), compelling the enemy to evacuate that place also. Thuswith a loss of 2,400 men, the Japanese had within a fewdays driven the enemy back from the mountains into theManchu Plains.

With 200,000 men the Japanese then renewed the attackon the Russians (who had 148,000 men), at Liaoyang. TheFirst, Second and Third Armies began a general advance(August 26), and continued to push forward till September3d, when the Russians were driven out of Liaoyang andcompelled to retreat toward Mukden. By September 5ththe Russian forces under General Kuropatkin were practicallysurrounded by the Japanese.

In October occurred one of the greatest battles of thewar, that of the Sha River and Lone Tree Hill. This timethe Russians took the offensive, advancing, 300,000 strong,upon the Japanese battle line along the Sha River. For aweek, fighting night and day, the battle continued, the Japaneselosing their commanding position on Lone Tree Hill.This battle also checked the Japanese advance and ended thecampaign for the fall and winter. In this seven days’ fighteach side lost about 45,000 killed and wounded.

Fighting was resumed on January 25, 1905, when theRussians again took the initiative, General Kuropatkin, with400,000 men, ordering a general attack on the enemy nearLiaoyang. For six days the battle lasted, with desperatefighting on both sides, but resulting in the repulse of the Russians.Then, from February 20th to March 15th, was foughtthe series of terrific engagements known as the battle ofMukden. Field Marshal Oyama’s four armies, consistingof 500,000 men, extending in line-of-battle over a semicircle120 miles long, advanced in a general attack which resultedin the taking of Mukden on March 10th and the demoralizedretreat of the Russians, March 15th. In these operationsthe Japanese lost 60,000 men, the Russians 100,000.

At Port Arthur the siege continued with a number ofaggressive movements by the Japanese who, by assault, began[413]taking the inner forts on August 21st. Ten days later ageneral assault, directed by General Nogi, was made on thecity, but was repulsed. On September 24th the Japanesecaptured the forts commanding the water supply of the city.On November 4th, the Japanese took Wantai Hill, and onNovember 30th captured 203-Metre Hill commanding cityand harbor. Fight after fight took place until January 2,1905, when the capitulation of the city became an accomplishedfact, General Stoessel surrendering to General Nogi.After this most notable siege of modern history, in which theJapanese gained the richest prize of the war (Port Arthurbeing the key to the situation on land), the reckoning showedthat the Japanese lost three times as many men as the enemy—45,000on the Japanese side, while the Russian losses wereonly 15,000.

On the sea, at the same time, Japanese operations resultedin still more brilliant victories. On April 13, 1904, theRussian battleship Petropavlovsk, returning to Port Arthurharbor with Admiral Makaroff on board, struck a mine (orpossibly a torpedo), and sank, the Russian admiral and 600of the crew of the battleship losing their lives. In May theJapanese bombarded Vladivostok, and, by sinking merchantvessels at the entrance to Port Arthur harbor, attempted tobottle up the Russian squadron. On May 11th the Japaneselost a cruiser that was torpedoed off Port Arthur; and on the17th lost two more warships, one by a mine and the other bycollision. Naval fights occurred during the summer and fall,usually with decided success for the ships of the Mikado.On December 6th, having captured 203-Metre Hill, the Japaneseshelled the Russian fleet in the harbor, sinking a turret-shipand a battleship, and seriously damaging other vessels,thus rendering Russia helpless in naval operations in thosewaters.

However, the Russian Baltic Sea fleet, under AdmiralRojestvensky, was on the way to the East; and upon this fleetnow were centred all Russian hopes of regaining even partialcontrol on the Far Eastern seas. But Admiral Togo, commanding[414]the Japanese naval forces, was lying in wait offTsu Island, in the east channel of Corea Strait, and nosooner did Rojestvensky’s fleet arrive (after junction witha smaller squadron under Admiral Nebogatoff) than Togosteamed forward to deliver a crushing blow that was toend the war and to bring Togo everlasting fame. Togosignaled to his vessels: “The destiny of our Empire dependsupon this action. You are all expected to do your utmost.”That was at noon, May 27, 1905. All that afternoon and allthe following day the fighting continued, resulting in thepractical annihilation of the Russian fleet—all the best remainingships of the Russian navy being sunk. Admiral Rojestvenskywas taken prisoner; Admiral Nebogatoff surrenderedhis squadron. Admiral Togo sank six battleships,six cruisers, a coast-defense vessel, a repair ship, and a numberof destroyers, while on his own very slightly damagedvessels there were less than 1,000 casualties.

Ten days later (June 8, 1905), Theodore Roosevelt,President of the United States, intervened to end the war.Addressing the Japanese and Russian Governments, Mr.Roosevelt urged immediate and direct peace negotiations andoffered his friendly services. Both the belligerent nationsaccepted the President’s offer (June 12) and plenipotentiarieswere at once appointed to discuss the terms of peace. BaronKomura and Mr. Takahira representing Japan, and BaronRosen and Count Witte representing Russia, were introducedto one another on the President’s yacht, Mayflower, at OysterBay, Long Island, August 5th. The envoys were then conveyedto the Navy Yard at Portsmouth, New Hampshire,where the sessions of the peace conference continued forthirty days, the Treaty of Portsmouth being signed onSeptember 5th.

By the terms of this treaty, Japan secured from Russia“not one kopek,” as Count Witte expressed it, for war indemnity.Japan gained, however, a recognition of her preponderantinfluence in Corea and an agreement by Russia toevacuate Manchuria and to return to China the civil administration[415]of Manchurian territory. Also Japan acquired Russia’sleasehold of Port Arthur, the holding of all militaryworks at Port Arthur and Dalny, and the control of theChinese Eastern Railway. Finally, Japan secured fromRussia the cession of one-half of the island of Sakhalin,Japan taking the half nearest to her own islands (the southernhalf) while Russia retained the northern half.

These terms, however, wore unsatisfactory to the Japanesepeople—especially the failure to secure any indemnity—thepeople feeling that they should have received more fortheir sacrifices made during the war. Riotous demonstrationsagainst the Government broke out in Tokio and elsewhere,but were quelled after the placing of Tokio undermartial law.

In the reckoning of grand totals of forces engaged andmen lost in the war, it was estimated that Japan had over1,200,000 troops in the field, and that her losses in killedand wounded, and from disease, amounted to 370,000.Russia had only 870,000 men actually in the field, thoughher available force in the East was over 1,000,000 men.Russian field casualties were estimated at 350,000.

Three weeks after the signing of the Treaty of Portsmouth,Japan renewed her Treaty of Alliance with GreatBritain (September 27, 1905), to remain in force for tenyears. By the terms of this treaty both countries agreed tomaintain peace in Eastern Asia and India and to respect theintegrity of China; England agreed, also, to recognize Japan’sparamount political, military, and economic interests inCorea.

On December 28, 1905, the Emperor of Japan openedthe first Diet following the war and the new Alliance Treatywith England, referring in his speech to the fact that Japanhad become a world power and that it was the duty of Parliamentand of all citizens to assist to the utmost in fulfillingthe country’s newly acquired obligations.

A new Cabinet was then formed with Marquis Saionjias Premier. Through the two years following, during which[416]the Marquis was in power, the country was agitated by asuccession of popular demonstrations against the Government,the people declaring that the nation’s finances were not properlyadministered and that taxation had increased “beyondtolerance.” The crisis in the financial situation was reachedon January 14, 1908, when Marquis Saionji tendered hisresignation, only to have it refused by the Emperor, hisMajesty asserting that the Premier’s policies possessedhis entire confidence.

On January 19th, the Progressive Party of Japanadopted a platform attacking the Cabinet for “bad finance andweak diplomacy.” And as late as March 21, 1908, figurespresented to the House of Peers showed the necessity for anincrease in taxes to meet deficits. This additional drain onthe popular pocketbook resulted in disturbances and evensanguinary riots in May of 1908.

A supplementary treaty with Russia, known as the Russo-JapaneseConvention, signed July 30, 1907, strengthenedthe diplomatic friendship that was re-established betweenJapan and her erstwhile enemy by the Treaty of Portsmouth.By the terms of the new Convention, the contractingnations agreed each to respect the existing territorialintegrity of the other. Both recognized the independenceand territorial integrity of China and the principle of equalopportunities in commerce and industry of all nations in theChinese Empire. Also the Convention provided for a linkingof the Japanese and Russian railways in Manchuria.

Japanese control in Corea was completed, indeed, onlyafter a series of wordy conflicts with the Corean Emperor andhis Ministry, and after a number of riots throughout Coreathat had to be put down by Japanese troops with muchshedding of blood.

Soon after the opening of hostilities between Japan andRussia, an agreement between the Mikado’s representativeand the Corean Emperor was signed (February 23, 1904),whereby Corea adopted the advice of Japan in respect to variousimprovements in administration, while Japan insured the[417]safety of the Imperial Household of Corea and guaranteedthe independence and territorial integrity of the Corean Empire.By this agreement, Japan secured the assistance of theCorean army in movements in Corea.

A second agreement between Japan and Corea, signedAugust 22, 1904, provided for a Japanese Financial Adviserand a Foreign Diplomatic Adviser to regulate the Coreanfinances and foreign relations.

On November 18, 1905, two months after the signing ofthe Treaty of Portsmouth, occurred the formal transfer toJapan of the control of the Corean Government. This transferwas in accordance with a treaty signed the day before, atSeoul, whereby it was provided that Japan should control anddirect the external relations and affairs of Corea, through theJapanese Department of Foreign Affairs in Tokio. It wasalso agreed that Japan should have direct representation atthe Court of the Emperor of Corea by a Resident-Generalresiding at Seoul. Count Ito, of Tokio, was appointed to thispost; and, acting under the terms of the treaty, he at oncestationed Japanese Residents (or local governors) at the severalopen ports of Corea and at other places in Corea.

From the beginning of Japanese control, the attitude ofthe Emperor of Corea toward the Mikado’s representativeswas one of active opposition and at times even of openhostility. The secret plottings of the disgruntled Emperoragainst the Japanese authorities reached their culminatingact in the spring of 1907, when he sent a delegation, withmore or less secrecy, to the Hague Peace Conference. Thisled to his abdication in favor of the Crown Prince, July 19,1907. Coreans asserted that the abdication was compulsory.The facts, as given officially, however, show that the Emperorabdicated by unanimous advice of his Ministers.

With the accession to the throne of the new Emperor, anew Convention was promulgated (July 25), in which thefuture course of Japanese control was defined and agreed toby his Corean Majesty, as follows: First, the administrationof the Corean Government was to be under the Japanese[418]Resident-General, Count Ito; second, all transactions of importantstate affairs, as well as the enactment of all laws, wereto receive the approval of the Resident-General before goinginto effect; third, all appointments of high executive officialswere to receive the approval of the Resident-General; fourth,Japanese subjects, if recommended by the Resident-General,were to be eligible to hold office under the Corean Government;fifth, no foreigners were to be employed by the CoreanGovernment excepting with the consent of the Resident-General.

After the signing of this Convention, the Corean armywas disbanded. By May 2, 1908, cordial relations betweenthe new Emperor and the Japanese Resident-General hadprogressed to such an extent that the Corean Governmentitself began an active campaign against the disorderly elementsthroughout the Empire.

Relations between the Governments of Japan and theUnited States continued undisturbed through the first threeyears following the close of the Russo-Japanese War, thoughat one time, in 1907, the press and people both in Japan andthe United States went so far as to discuss the possibility ofwar between the two countries. The rumors of war were theoutgrowth, first, of the act of the authorities of San Francisco,California, in barring Japanese pupils from the regular publicschools; second, of the agitation in the United States torestrict Japanese immigration; third, of the decision of theUnited States Government to send a great fleet of battleships,for the first time in history, to the Pacific; fourth, of attackson Japanese subjects at San Francisco and other places on thePacific Coast.

While barring Japanese pupils from the regular schools,the authorities of San Francisco proposed that a separateOriental School be maintained for Japanese, on the groundthat the Japanese “schoolboys” were, many of them, grownmen and that they corrupted the morals of the white pupils.President Roosevelt sent Secretary of the Navy Metcalf tomake a thorough investigation and, upon receiving his report,[419]requested that the San Francisco officials abandon the idea ofa separate school for Orientals and that Japanese pupils bereadmitted to the regular public schools. San Franciscoagreed to this, on condition that the United States Governmenttake immediate measures to restrict further immigrationof Japanese from Hawaii, the Philippines, Canada,Mexico, and Panama.

Meantime, popular demonstrations against the Japanesehad taken place at various cities on the Pacific Coast. In SanFrancisco, especially, stores and other places of business conductedby Japanese were wrecked and the owners and employeesthereof attacked. Action taken by the authorities topunish the offenders led to rioting and still further attacks onthe Japanese. The result was a formal protest from the JapaneseGovernment demanding protection for Japanese subjectsin California. Thereupon the Federal Government atWashington announced that it would “proceed to use everyavailable means, civil and military, to protect aliens.” Attackson the Japanese occurred at intervals, nevertheless,until well into 1908, when peace was seemingly restored.

In December, 1907, while the anti-Japanese feeling onthe Pacific Coast of the United States ran highest, the JapaneseGovernment received proposals from the United StatesGovernment in regard to restricting immigration. To theserestrictions the Japanese Government agreed (December 31),and in February, 1908, the matter was closed by an agreementsigned by Japan to supervise future immigration to theUnited States in accordance with the restrictions agreed upon.

The attitude of the Japanese people in regard to the visitof the United States fleet to the Pacific Coast was at firstone of mild alarm and resentment. Altogether different wasthe attitude of official Japan. So far was the Japanese Governmentfrom resenting the movement of the fleet that aformal invitation was sent to President Roosevelt invitingthe United States ships of war to visit Japan. This invitationwas accepted March 20, 1908. In June the fleet, thenon the Pacific Coast of the United States, was making preparations[420]for the long voyage to Japanese waters and thencearound the world. And in proof of the cordial reception accordedto Americans and American wares in Japan, the Governmentat Tokio (April 1, 1908), published a reportcontaining figures showing that the United States led thenations of the world in trade with Japan. Moreover, a generalArbitration Treaty between Japan and the United Stateswas signed at Washington, May 5, 1908.

Prince Fushimi, adopted brother of the Mikado, arrivedin the United States in November, 1904, calling on PresidentRoosevelt on the 15th. The reception accorded the Prince inWashington and other American cities gave great satisfactionin Japan, as did also the manner in which he was received inCanada and England, which countries he visited after leavingthe United States.

Japanese-Chinese relations continued on a basis of uninterruptedcordiality following the close of the Russo-JapaneseWar, until early in 1908, when, in the Chinese harbor ofMacao, Chinese officials seized a Japanese merchant steamer,the Tatsu Maru, a large part of the cargo of which consistedof arms and munitions of war. The seizure immediatelycreated a sensation throughout both Empires. Japan, onFebruary 29th, demanded an apology and an indemnity fromChina for the seizure. On March 14th China returned thevessel to Japan and agreed to pay an indemnity, though sheretained the arms found on board. The release of the shipcaused widespread indignation among the Chinese, who invengeance started, in March, a boycott against the Japanesethat lasted until June, though Japan meanwhile formally requestedthe Chinese authorities to suppress the boycott.

Japan needed, of course, a confirmation from China of thetransfer by Russia to Japan of the Chinese Eastern Railway,and of the lease of Port Arthur and the Liau-tung Peninsula,in accordance with the Treaty of Portsmouth. Accordingly,a Convention between the two countries was signed January22, 1906—thus completing the final move in securing toJapan her prizes won in the war.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] The koku, or “stone,” contains 5.13 bushels; is the measureby which revenue is estimated; is the standard value ofthe country; and is generally considered equivalent to onegold kobang. The only invariable standard of value in theworld is the average amount of food that will suffice to keepa man in health—a pound varies, the other does not.

[2] This was the title of the young man living in Paris in1867. Commonly called brother of the Tycoon.

[3] Ko, coming after a name, has the meaning of “a highpersonage,” a title of honor.

[4] These four are the highest of the official or Fudai classof Daimio, and are commonly known as the Si Ten wo, or“four heavenly emperors”—a Buddhist title.

[5] Saywa made the laws as to the Shinwo and royal families.His sixth son was Sadadzumi Sinwo. On Momidjiyama (a little hill within the grounds of the Yedo castle) isa small temple. On the altar are tablets with the names ofmen of six generations: 1, Sadadzumi; 2, of his son Tsunemoto (who first took the name of Minna moto); 3, of his sonMitz naka (a soldier of note); 4, of his son Yori nobu; 5, ofhis son Yori Yoshi; 6, of his son Yoshiyay (otherwise calledHatchimang taro), and of his son Yoshi Kooni (whose descendantsdivided into the Nitta and Ashikanga lines). Thetemple was erected for the reception of those tablets, to whichworship is offered every morning.

[6] There are two keng, one used at Miako, known asMiako no keng, or Kioma, or Homma, the longer of the two.The other is the Inaka keng, or Inakama, shorter by threeor four inches. Taikosama introduced the second.

[7] A gambling game analogous to the “white-pigeon card”of China (Pak kop piu), at which much money is lost byfamilies. A head office issues papers upon which the eightyfirst characters of the “Thousand Characters Classic” areprinted in rows. These may be purchased for any price thepurchaser chooses to lay upon them. During the night tencharacters are marked by the office. The purchaser marksten, and speculates upon his hitting some or all of the sameas were marked at the office.

[8] The dynasty having been recently set aside, the countryis in a transition state, and the position of these Daimios inthe future remains to be worked out.

[9] Whose retainers and secretary the Regent had arrestedand brought to Yedo.

[10] The mode of suicide common in Japan may be noticedhere. It is called by the natives literally to “cut the belly.”The name “happy dispatch” seems to have been a felicitoussuggestion of some foreigner. It is said to be done by a cutacross the abdomen, and sometimes another cut is said to bemade in the form of a cross. But any one who knows anythingof the subject will think this nearly an impossibility,from the extreme difficulty of making the two other cutsnecessary to make a cross. This would be a very butcheringand trying job, and would bring on only a lingeringdeath. So far as can be judged from the way it is performedin theaters, the knife, a short well-sharpened instrument,is inserted into the abdomen, and then drawn acrossthe backbone, so as to sever the great blood-vessels, the aortaand ascending vein, which are there of such a size as to allowof death from their division in a few seconds. There seemsto be no drawing across the abdomen. What is called swallowinggold leaf in China is in reality inhaling it when rubbedto a sort of flaky powder. It seems to choke the air-vessels,and so produce suffocation.

[11] Afterward assassinated by his servant, an emissary ofMito, who had got into the office as clerk, and kept Mitoinformed of all that transpired.

[12] It is a custom in Japan that the territory of a man whohas been killed by assassins is taken from his family, andthe family and retainers of the Regent were afraid of this lawbeing put in operation against them.

[13] These are men at the palace gate who look out forDaimios approaching, and give notice to the guard, that theymay know how to salute them, according to their rank.They make money by bribes to give the Daimios highersalutes than they are entitled to.

[14] The sleeve peerage, as it is called, a little abridgmentof the Bookang, with the crests, names, and offices of Daimios,often used by strangers to recognize Daimios passing.

[15] Mito is said to have traveled over the empire incog.at this time, to study the feelings of the people.

[16] The Gorochiu would not allow this to be granted, andnever published it.

[17] The custom in Japan is to bring the left of the dressover the right side in front, “migi yeri”; and it is a commonsaying that foreigners will soon oblige them to change eventhis custom, and “hidari yeri,” cross it over the left side.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:

Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.

Inconsistencies in hyphenation of English words have been standardized.

Inconsistencies in hyphenation of words other than English have been retained.

Archaic or variant spelling has been retained.

New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.

*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 74614 ***

Japan | Project Gutenberg (2024)
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